THE HANDSTAND |
july 2005 |
Anniversary of the On
July 9 2004 the International Court of Justice (ICJ)
issued its advisory opinion on the status of the wall
being built by Israel in the occupied Palestinian West
Bank. It found that its construction is illegal, that it
must be dismantled, and that Palestinians must be
compensated for losses sustained due to its construction.
Under paragraph 159 it asserted that "All States are
under an obligation not to recognize the illegal
situation resulting from the construction of the wall and
not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the
situation created by such construction" and must
"ensure compliance by Israel with international
humanitarian law as embodied in [the fourth Geneva]
Convention." Even if the advisory opinion per se is
non-binding - although cemented eleven days later by a UN
General Assembly resolution - the unequivocal legal
stipulations in paragraph 159 are not, and are mandatory
on the European Union as well as on the USA and others. The
advisory opinion was regarded as a historic breakthrough
by the Palestinians. European solidarity groups and NGOs
also believed that it would facilitate their task.
Hitherto, they had relied on the "human rights
clause" of the Euro-Mediterranean Association
Agreement between the EU and Israel to push for
suspension of Israel's trading privileges - as twice
demanded without effect by the European Parliament - in
the light of Israel's continuing violations of
Palestinian rights. Now, it appeared, the world's highest
judicial body had provided a more effective tool to
compel Israeli compliance with international law, and
indeed to force suspension of the Association Agreement
by putting its very legality in question. One
year later, there is a universal sense of betrayal. While
Israel garners unearned credit for its projected
unilateral "disengagement" from Gaza, whereby
colonial occupation is replaced by permanent siege, the
construction of the wall continues apace, as does the
ongoing annexation of Palestinian land required for its
construction. Much is also made of the
"disengagement" from four tiny West Bank
settlements, leaving a total of 116 illegal
settlements there, many of which are being ruthlessly
expanded. Ariel Sharon has made no secret of the fact
that these token "disengagements" are designed
simply and solely to forestall any meaningful compliance
by Israel with the requirements of international law. Meanwhile,
the Israeli Foreign Ministry has announced plans to build
high-tech terminals to The
World Bank is contributing to the construction of
"massive industrial zones... to be built on
Palestinian land annexed by the wall, where ghettoised
Palestinian labour will work in the dirtiest and most
toxic industries", in the words of Jamal Juma,
coordinator of the grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid
Wall Campaign. Furthermore, Juma claims that Germany has
participated in funding these sweatshops. Apart
from this instance of direct collaboration with the
occupation, which may be read as another example of
Germany buying absolution for the Holocaust at the
Palestinians' expense, the European Union is indirectly
in violation of the ICJ judgment. Ongoing
and indeed deepening EU economic co-operation with Israel
serves to facilitate Israel's diversion of financial
resources to the construction of the wall and the
maintenance of illegal settlements. In the fields of
research and development, as well as in entertainment and
sport, Israel continues to be treated as to all intents
and purposes a European country. Far from
"ensur[ing] compliance by Israel with international
humanitarian law" as demanded by the ICJ, such
privileges combine to enhance Israel's lofty conviction
of its impunity. The outcome of this arrogance is the
ongoing brutalisation and humiliation of the subject
Palestinian population that is reported daily by such
Israeli organisations as B'tselem and Gush Shalom, but
rarely finds its way into our media with their baseless
parroting that "life is better for the Palestinians
since Arafat's death". When
governments fail to act, civil society feels compelled to
step into the breach. Pro-Palestinian campaigners
worldwide are increasingly united in their belief that
only a massive boycott campaign, modelled on that which
brought South African Apartheid to its knees, can
"initiate a process that will make Israel pay a
price for its crimes", to quote Jamal Juma once
again. This
campaign is gathering pace. The initially successful
attempt by the UK Association of University Teachers to
institute a boycott of two Israeli universities struck
terror through the Israeli establishment, which contrived
to have the decision reversed by a massively-funded
campaign of intimidation and mendacity. However,
last year the USA Presbyterian Church voted to institute
"selective divestment" from Israel, a decision
endorsed by the World Council of Churches, and last month
the Anglican Consultative Council voted unanimously in
favour of a divestment motion. If
civil society is goaded by government inaction into
taking such drastic steps, then only government action
can render such steps superfluous. Specifically, EU
governments - including our own - can "ensure
Israel's compliance with international humanitarian
law" by withholding their direct or indirect support
for the construction of Israel's illegal wall and the
Apartheid infrastructure associated with it. They can
cease arms exports to Israel, and suspend the
Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement as well as all
co-operation on research and development. The Irish
government, traditionally supportive of the inalienable
rights of the Palestinian people, should be in the
forefront of pressing for such action. The
consequences of continuing inaction will almost certainly
be disastrous. Raymond
Deane is the present Chair of the Ireland Palestine
Solidarity Campaign. |