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THE HANDSTAND |
OCTOBER 2003 |
There are sabra words in the Hebrew vocabulary such as the word Dugri (Arabic - tell the truth straight, do not cover up ) The Myth of the Israeli Sabra, by Oz Almog ....a book review by Gad Nashon Recently, many Israelis with nostalgic personalities bought a best-seller entitled The Sabra - A Profile (An Oved Tel-Aviv 2000) which was written by a young scholar and sociologist, Oz Almog. It is a unique distinguished pioneer research of this topic. Indeed Israel was the sabra state but it is no more. Almog discussed the roots of this myth. He discussed the typology of this myth. He described the posture, the dress, the habits and the unique characteristics of the sabra generation. He argued that this myth crystallized in the 1930s, before World War II. Almog pointed out that the sabra was the young hero whose task was to produce the Hebrew Revolution or the Zionist Revolution. He had to be completely a new Jew: physically, mentally and a person who dedicated his life for the collective, for the success of this revolution.
It is
not surprising to find that Massada became a must for
every sabra. The tradition is still alive and well. It is
the idea of back to nature, a Zionist idea which
contributed to the myth. The sabra goal was to link
himself to mother nature and to the urban lifestyle.
Therefore, he had to learn many secrets from the Bedoine
or the Arab. The sabra loved the nights in which he
convened with friends around the fire and had black
coffee from an Arab Fingan. We still sing the
songs which linked us to this mythic fire and the
beautiful skies of Cannan. By the way, many of these
songs have Hebrew-Sabra lyrics but the music came all the
way from Russia
(Indeed our classical composers such
as Paul Ben-Haim or Tzvi Avni always have tried to
compose original Palestinian music influenced by the Arab
or the Middle Eastern music.) Around the fire the sabras
used to sing and play with Palestinian-Arabic ancient
musical instruments such as the flute and the tambourine.
Some even loved to dress like the Arabs. And Ben-Gurion
believed that the Bedoines were ancient Jews. These
guests, naturally, manifested themselves in the belief
that the best sabra life should always be in a Kibbutz.
This was the climax of the sabras idealism and his
quest for perfection. Kibbutz meant: you live modestly
like hermits. Women do not wear jewelry. The best shirt
is the blue shirt. On Friday night you dress
with a white shirt. As to sex: Puritanism, abstainism.
You must contain yourself! ."The claim that anti-Zionism is
anti-Semitism is Israeli propaganda, and its very
well-oiled branches of the pro-Israel lobby across the
world." Tania Reinhardt.Aug.2003 A lifetime credoKill
unarmed civilians then lie through your teeth: Ariel
Sharon's been doing it for half a century. Azmi
Bishara examines the career of Israel's prime
minister
In
1952-1953 Sharon was enrolled at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem,
about to become a student when he was recalled into the
army to head a reserve regiment in the area of Jerusalem.
Shortly after his appointment he assembled his officers
and told them that the village women from Qatana were,
without realising it, crossing into Israel when they went
to fetch water from the well. The boundary between the
Israeli settlement Ma'aliya Hahmishah and Qatana was not
clearly demarcated, "Eric" told them, and in
order to "correct that mistake" they would lay
an ambush. "Eric" also instructed his officers
to keep the plan secret so that it would not come to the
attention of Central Area Command or General Staff. "At the convention of the Likud party in Tel Aviv
when Sharon was challenged by Bibi Netanyahu, his
admirers shouted: 'Arik, King of the Jews.' The origin of
this battle cry is the 'Yom Kippur War' (Oct. 1973), when
Gen. (Ret.) Arik Sharon saved Israel by crossing the
canal. He then demonstrated his military genius, his
original thinking. The scenario was carried out precisely as "Eric" planned. Four marksmen were put into position at night and shot and killed two out of four women making their way to the village well. The Jordanian artillery opened fire on the Israeli villages in the vicinity and the Israeli artillery retaliated. The incident drew to a close with the intervention of UN observers in charge of monitoring the ceasefire. Later, when explaining the incident to his superiors, "Eric" expounded on the difference between shooting targets from a stationary position and taking aim at them while in motion during combat. This
account of events appears in Uzi Benziman's He Does
not Stop at Red (Adama Books, Tel Aviv 1994, pp.
35-36). When I contacted the author to confirm the story
he told me his sources were soldiers who had served in
the same unit as Sharon. Special Commando Unit 101:.... It was Unit 101 that bequeathed the most notorious moral "password" in Israeli military history. When some Israeli soldiers voiced qualms over the ethics of targeting civilians in retaliatory operations, Shlomo Baum, deputy commander of the unit, responded curtly: "Our guns must be clean, not pure." In other words it was the soldier's job to make sure his artillery was in good working order and ready for combat, not to worry about moral criteria that had no place in the fighting creed of that unit. The soldiers of Unit 101 and then the paratroop corps became the model of the aggressive Israeli fighter. This unit formulated the moral creed of an entire army. Not that the model it set was emulated in all aspects, apart from its implication in lies and false reports, as we shall see. The first attack carried out by Unit 101 was mounted against Al-Bureij refugee camp on the night of 28 August, 1953. Learning that its presence had been discovered, instead of withdrawing it stormed the camp and escaped from the other side, and thus found itself surrounded by unarmed civilians. The ensuing massacre claimed 43 Palestinian refugees, among whom were seven women, and wounded 22. Losses of Unit 101 totaled two wounded. Sharon had personally led the attack. In his report to his superiors he justified the enormous civilian death toll that resulted as follows: "The enemy opened fire on me from the northwest... I decided that it was better to pass through the camp and slip out the other side than to go back the way I came, because crops, gardens, barbed wire and guards made it difficult to move in that direction... I also decided that offensive action was better than giving the impression that we were attempting to escape... Therefore I invaded the camp with my group." (Benny Morris, Israel's Border Wars: 1949-1956, Aam Ufid, Tel Aviv, 1996, p. 273) As the last sentence of his military report illustrates, Sharon would rather attack and kill civilians than appear to be retreating. The equation is clear and the price clearer. International ceasefire observers described the Bureij operation as "an alarming instance of deliberate slaughter". Israel's government at the time officially denied responsibility for the operation, giving Western diplomats to understand that it had been undertaken independently by Israeli vigilantes and members of the kibbutzim near the Jordanian border in retaliation against raids mounted by Palestinian infiltrators. Qibya Massacre: On 13 October 1953 Prime Minister David Ben Gurion met with Minister of Security Yitzhak Lavon and Moshe Dayan, head of operations in the office of the chief of staff, to discuss retaliation for the murder of a Jewish woman and her two children in a grenade attack on her home by a Palestinian infiltrator. Qibya was mooted as a suitable target and, apparently, there was a ready-for-use plan calling for the demolition of 50 out of the 280 homes in the village. However, what is of particular interest here is what happened to the order as it passed down the line of command. The order issued by Dayan read, "Operation Shushna: Objective, carry out sharp-response reprisals against villages being used as bases for [Palestinian] infiltration operations. Task A: incursion into Naalein and Shiqba villages with the aim of destroying a number of houses and wounding their inhabitants. Task B: attack Qibya, occupy it temporarily, blow up homes and cause injury, forcing inhabitants to flee the village." The order was transmitted by hand to Central Area Command, which reissued it as follows: "The aim of Chief of Staff is to mount sharp-response destroy-and- kill reprisal operations against Arab villages. The task: attack Qibya, occupy it temporarily, demolish homes and kill as many as possible in order to compel inhabitants to flee their homes... Invade Naalein and Shiqba, destroy a number of houses and kill inhabitants and soldiers." Already the order had become more explicitly murderous than the original, as is obvious by the addition of "kill as many as possible". Working at the time in Central Area Command was David Alazar, operations officer (later to become chief of staff in the 1973 War). His counterpart in the office of the chief of staff was Rahboam Zaiffi , nicknamed Gandhi. The following is how Sharon, commander of the operation, interpreted the order to the forces that were to take part in it: "The objective of Command is to mount sharp- response reprisal operations... The task: invade Qibya, occupy it, kill as many as possible and do as much damage as possible to property... Invade Naalein and Shaqba, kill inhabitants and blow up a number of houses." In an article in Haaretz, on 8 June 1994, Ben Gurion's semi-official historian, Shabtai Tibit, attempted to vindicate the former Israeli prime minister. The metamorphosis of the operation command order he attributes to the military culture of the Palmach, the underground paramilitary organisation that fathered most of Israel's military elite. The formula, "kill as many as possible", (in Hebrew, "cause maximum loss of life") had been in use in Palmach since the Haganah, on 12 December 1947, adopted a policy of "effective defence" and "systematic retaliation". In practical terms, Shabtai suggests that no one can be held responsible for the bloodthirsty wording of the Qibya orders since such orders are deeply rooted in the Zionist military credo. The operation was carried out after midnight on 15 October. Carrying 700 kilos of explosives the task force blew up 54 houses within three hours. Seventy villagers were killed, most of them women and children. Most of the victims died from bullet wounds. A significant portion perished beneath the rubble of their homes, having been given no warning to vacate. The Fallacy of
"International Outrage" The statement, delivered by Ben Gurion personally over the radio, is a boldfaced lie, accompanied by a stern sermon to others and adamant denial of any culpability. How reminiscent it is of the statements issued in the wake of the murder of Palestinian civilians, in which Israeli army officials declare that scrupulous inquiries confirm that no Israeli soldier opened fire and that responsibility lies elsewhere. Even so, Ben Gurion's statement raised some doubts in the West. Anglo-Saxon diplomats, in particular, found it difficult to believe that the head of a friendly democratic state could lie with such aplomb. This is the political and
military school of thought through which Sharon, who
would later boast of the deterrent power of Qibya and
similar operations, rose. To justify action: by lying
through your teeth. In his introduction to the memoirs of
Meir Hartison Sharon vaunted the achievements of Unit
101: "Its most outstanding achievements were in
Qibya and Hebron. (Meir Haritson, Memoir Chapters,
Levine-Epstein, Tel Aviv, 1969, p. 16) In his memoirs Harzion's account of the "adventures" of this period read as though they were a form of self-fulfillment. Harzion's sister and her boyfriend had been killed by a Bedouin when they were "taking a walk" that led them into Jordanian territory. Three weeks later, on 4 March 1955, Harzion took revenge. Along with three of his fellow paratroopers he crossed the border and made his way to the camp belonging to members of the Azazma and Jahalin clan, located eight kilometres east of the border. They shot and killed one Bedouin who tried to escape and captured five others. After several failed attempts to interrogate their prisoners -- none of the soldiers knew Arabic -- they killed four of them by stabbing them (or by slitting their throats according to another account). The fifth was released in order to tell the story. Although Ben Gurion initially condemned the operation and ordered that the perpetrators be brought to trial no one was prosecuted. What concerns us here is that the Israeli army was involved in the operation and that Sharon had given tactical support to the perpetrators. He had furnished them with arms, food and ammunition, transported them in a military vehicle to the border and had some of his paratroopers pick them up again upon their return. Sharon had also instructed the four not to cooperate with the police. "We remain silent, under direct order from Eric," they told investigating officials. On 22 June 2003, when discussing
settlement construction in a cabinet meeting, Sharon told
his ministers: "Build but stay silent. There's no
need to go out and dance every time the approval is given
to build... We have strong bonds of trust and confidence
with the US" (Yediot Ahranot, 23 June 2003). February
4, 2001 At first, he thought it was someone trying to steal olives. He gripped his wooden cudgel tightly and shouted a challenge. His answer came in a hail of bullets. One smashed into his wrist, another into his side. The impact of the heavy rounds knocked 22-year-old al-Badoui, a strapping 6ft farmer, into the dusty earth. As he staggered to his feet he screamed to wake his village: 'The Jews are coming, the Jews are coming.' It was mid-October 1953. Within eight hours al-Badoui's home was rubble. By dawn the next morning Israeli special forces would have dynamited much of the village and killed 69 people. Their leader was Ariel Sharon. The attack was a typical Sharon operation. It was thorough, violent, ruthless, attention-grabbing and deeply controversial. His style has changed little from his first battles in the years after Israel's independence to the debacle in Lebanon that led to the deaths of hundreds of Israeli soldiers and more than 1,000 Palestinian civilians at the hands of Christian militiamen in 1982. Sharon's motto has been the same - always escalate. The people of Qibya certainly think they know Sharon. 'He is a man with killing in his blood,' al-Badoui told The Observer last week. 'I do not know why God has let him live.' Safia Hussein Teeb, 83, remembers al-Badoui's screamed warnings as Sharon's crack troops poured through the olive groves. 'I was at home getting ready to go to sleep when I heard the shouting,' she said last week. 'Everything was confused and we hid downstairs where the animals were. All night we could hear explosions as the Israelis blew up houses. My daughter and her husband and my nephew were killed.' The young commander had equipped his men with 600kgs of explosives and was determined to use them. In all, nearly 50 houses were destroyed. Most villagers died when their buildings were blown up. Sharon has always said that his troops thought the houses were empty. But an inspection of ruined homes in Qibya last week revealed that all but the most cursory of checks would have found anyone hiding inside. Two other little-known incidents from Sharon's early career have also surfaced. Earlier in 1953, Sharon led another punitive raid against an Egyptian-run refugee camp in the Gaza Strip. Interviews with participants reveal that even some of his own soldiers were uneasy at his ruthlessness and objected to the plan. But the attack went ahead and 15 people were killed. Another alleged operation involved an ambush of women who were crossing Israel's border to get water from a village near Jerusalem. Sharon's supporters dismiss such stories as 'ancient history'. .A package of concessions seen as at the limit of what the Israeli public would accept was rejected by Yasser Arafat, the president of the new semi-autonomous Palestinian government, last summer. Within months, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip exploded in violence that has so far left nearly 400 dead. The majority are Palestinians, but 50 Israelis have died, including many civilians. 'The old collectivist spirit of sacrifice that motivated people in Israel 40 years ago has been replaced by something far more individualist,' said Tom Segev, a respected Israeli historian and journalist. Sharon was the architect of the first waves of settlement in the early 1970s and, as a Minister in various right-wing administrations, has done much to expand the contentious building programme. Though there are fewer than 200,000 settlers, they command the support of a broad swathe of Israeli right-wingers. 'The ultra Orthodox have more support than ever before,' said Galia Golan, a professor of political science at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. 'There is a creeping fundamentalism.' Last week The Observer watched as left-wing pro-peace activists confronted a group of ultra-Orthodox Jews celebrating the opening of a new building they had bought in the heart of the Muslim quarter of the old city of Jerusalem. In a narrow alley a few hundred yards from the religious complex known as the Temple Mount by Jews and as Al Haram al Sharif by Muslims, and sacred to both, heavily armed soldiers struggled to keep order. The peaceniks came off worse. 'We have to struggle against these people and their ideas. They are not what Israel should be about,' said Noam Hofshteter, the head of the Jerusalem branch of Peace Now, a pressure group, as police moved him on. 'But it is a struggle we are losing.' Above his head a huge Israeli flag fluttered from the roof of a house in the chill winter night breeze. Three other flags flew beside it - blatant provocations to 90 per cent of those living in the surrounding streets. But the owner of the house (SHARON)has never been bothered by such things in the past.
.June 2003
UNREPENTENT WAR CRIMINAL Between June 4 and Aug. 31, 1982, the IDF, under Sharon's direction (Begin had named him Minister of Defense the previous year), killed a total of 19,025 Palestinians and wounded 30,032 in a military campaign that Sharon called "Operation Peace in Galilee." Under immense pressure from the Reagan Administration, Sharon abandoned plans to assassinate Arafat, and, on Aug. 21, 1982, he allowed the PLO to evacuate 15,600 fighters from Lebanon, under an American- brokered cease-fire. President Ronald Reagan's Special Middle East Envoy in 1982 said, "Sharon was a killer obsessed with hatred of Palestinians. I had promised Arafat that his people would not get any harm. Sharon, however, ignored this commitment entirely. Sharon's word is worth nil." On Sept. 15, Sharon broke the cease-fire agreement, and the next day, launched a "purification" campaign against the refugee camps of Sabra, Shatila, and Burj El Barajneh. Falangist
death squadsprotected by the IDF, which
encircled the campsmassacred unarmed women,
children, and elderly. On Sept. 19, 1982, the
United Nations Security Council passed Resolution
521, harshly condemning the massacres at the camps.
In a distant mirror of the current genocide in Jenin,
Ramallah, and Bethlehem, Sharon ignored the
international condemnations. Today, Sharon faces war crimes prosecution in court in Belgium for his role in the Sabra and Shatila massacres, as the result of a lawsuit filed on June 18, 2001 by 23 survivors of the attacks. On Oct. 15, 1982, a month after the 1982 massacres, Sharon held meetingsin the Chouf Mountains of Lebanon and at his Negev ranch with Falange leader Camille Chamoun, Uri Dan, Rupert Murdoch, Charles Douglas-Home, and others, to move the "Landscam" West Bank real estate grab forward. On Nov. 15, 1982, a final meeting took place on several real estate purchases, mostly through Arab middle- men, to push the massive expansion of Jewish settlements throughout the West Bankat a handsome profit. Attending the meeting at Sharon's ranch were: Kissinger, Lord Harlech (Sir David Ormsby-Gore), Johannes von Thurn und Taxis, Tory Parliamentarian Julian Amery, Sir Edmund Peck, and MI-6 Mideast mandarin Nicholas Elliot. Dear Mother,Within my authority as commander of the IDF in the Judea and Samaria regions, and because I believe that the act is required for military purposes, and in view of the security conditions prevailing in this area, and the need to take necessary steps to prevent terrorist acts, I order .... I am Moshe Kaplinsky I hate the Turk And his brood of Arab I have come To place my rage On history's page This is now my land My signature, That cannot be writ In Arabic, is engraved With a flourish By my hand, Though this Law Made by little English men, Fools, whose plan I now usurp, As would any other man. Blessed by wisdom Of the wily Kazars, smirk. For no Jew Will chance an arm Or gain a foothold Where I stand... Moshe Kaplinsky Called by Jews "Our son Isaac"... laughs! ............................j.braddell But Sharon landed on his feet. When Rabin was elected Prime Minister of Israel in 1992, the former Sharon ally in the war on the Palestinians had the courage to admit that his underlying assumptions were wrong, and would lead to the destruction of Israel. He entered into secret peace talks with Arafat, which culminated in the August 1993 signing of the Oslo Peace Accords, in the presence of U.S. President William Clinton at the White House. Instantly, Sharon declared war on the Oslo Accords and on Prime Minister Rabin. The entire "Landscam" gang joined Sharon in assailing the peace initiative. On Sept. 11, 1993, Kissinger told CBS News interviewers that Oslo was "unworkable." Several weeks later, Kissinger told the Institute for Jewish Affairs in London that Jordan would soon fall into the hands of Islamic fundamentalists and Olso would be crushed a not-so-veiled reference to Sharon's Hamas assets, which would soon launch a terror wave against Oslo in tandem with Sharon's Jewish underground. On Oct. 11, 1993, Bertram and Herbert Zweibon, co-founders of "Americans for a Safe Israel", a Sharonist front, held a conference in Crystal City, Virginia to launch a campaign to destroy Osloand its sponsors. Five days later, Sharon delivered a speech calling for the settlers to launch a resistance to the sellout. Sharon rushed to the United States and embarked on a nationwide tour on Nov. 14, 1993, in which he declared that the 150,000 Jewish settlers were the "only barrier to a Palestinian state." Sharon was accompanied, throughout the tour, by Yechial Leiter, a leader of the JDL in the West Bank settlement of Kiryat Arba. While in the United States, Sharon raised millions of dollars for the Kiryat Arba "resistance" from such right-wing Zionist patrons as Florida and California bingo parlor magnate Irving Moscowitz and former Reagan Administration Ambassador to Austria and perfume heir, Ronald Lauder. Sharon's fundraising paid off. On Feb. 25, 1994, Baruch Goldstein, an IDF reservist and leader of Kiryat Arba, massacred 50 Palestinian worshipers at the Cave of the Patriarch holy site. Goldstein had been Rabbi Meir Kahane's Knesset campaign manager at Kiryat Arba. In March 1994, some 200 rabbis, led by Avraham Shapira, staged a rally at Kiryat Arba and issued a religious edict, ordering resistance against any attempt by the Rabin government to dismantle any settlements. On March 31, 1994, Sharon and Yitzhak Shamir, the former Likud Prime Minister and Stern Gang terrorist, led a rally of 10,000 people attacking Oslo. ADL National Chairman Abe Foxman told the Jerusalem Post on April 2, 1994 that Rabin was "undermining organized Jewish clout" in America, through his peace antics. Rabin was assassinated on Nov. 4, 1995 by a West Bank settler, Yigal Amir, who came from Sharon's terror hub, Kiryat Arba. On Jan. 26, 1997, Sharon returned, triumphal, to Kiryat Arba, to deliver new marching orders to the heirs of "Unit 101." If Arafat declared a unilateral Palestinian state in the territory of the West Bank and Gaza under Palestinian Authority control, the settlers should join in the drive to annex all of Judea and Samaria. At the time, Sharon was Minister of National Infrastructure, a super-ministerial post that had been created for him by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Sharon's sometimes ally and sometimes rival for power in the Likud. During 1996-99, Sharon's tenure as Minister of National Infrastructure, the settlers population in the occupied territories soared to more than 200,000. Netanyahu's fall from power in 1999, and his replacement by a Labor government headed by former IDF chief Ehud Barak, signalled that the Oslo peace process that Sharon was dedicated to destroying, was back on the table. After the failure of the July 2000 Camp David II negotiations to reach a final settlement, more intense private negotiations between the Barak government and the Palestinian Authority began under a number of venues. Talks took place in New York City, and later, at the resort of Taba, Egypt, producing a final accord, in draft, that would have formed a just and viable basis for two sovereign states, Israel and Palestine. The thorny issues of the right of return of Palestinian refugees, the status of the holy sites in Jerusalem, and of creating two capitals within the extended city limits of Jerusalem, were, according to several Arab and Israeli diplomatic sources, worked out in principle by January 2001. These final points, memorialized in the talking points brought to the final sessions by President Clinton, could be revived today as a basis for reaching a just solution, in the view of many Mideast diplomats familiar with the document. But Sharon and his backers would have nothing of this. In September 2000, Sharon visited New York City, where he met with Lauder and other supporters and financiers. He returned to Israel, reportedly with a large amount of cash to be disbursed to settlers' terrorist cells. Sharon personally staged the decisive provocation, by visiting the Islamic holy sites on al-Haram al-Sharif, what the Israelis call the Temple Mount, on Sept. 26, 2000. Sharon was accompanied by more than 1,000 Israeli troops and paramilitary police. It was a flagrant provocation, an assertion of Israeli permanent control over the sacred sites of Islam, the Dome of the Rock and the Al-Aqsa Mosque. With that visit, Sharon provoked the "Al Aqsa Intifada," and within days, the entire Holy Land was again awash in the blood of Palestinian protesters. By January 2001, the Barak government would fall, and, on Feb. 6, 2001, Sharon, who had taken over the Likud party in September 1999, was elected Prime Minister of Israel, ready to launch his final drive for "Greater Israel."
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