Tackling postwar amnesia and erasure as cultural
production, "Massaker" makes aesthetic choices
with political
implications
Copyright (c) 2005 The Daily Star
Friday, October 21, 2005
By Kaelen Wilson-Goldie
Daily Star staff
Massacre is both in contents
and aesthetically a psycho-political study
of perpetrators, who participated in the massacre
of Sabra and Shatila, both on orders and on their
own personal initiative. The film intertwines the
mental dispositions of the killers with their
political environment and broaches the phenomenon
of collective violence through their accounts. |
BEIRUT: These 99 minutes do not pass nicely. In Monika
Borgmann, Lokman Slim and Hermann Theissen's documentary
film "Massaker," six men from the Lebanese
Forces, the disbanded Christian militia, talk about how
they slaughtered some 1,000 to 3,000 Palestinians in the
refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila, just south of Beirut,
for three days in September 1982.
They talk about their preparatory training in Israel with
the Israeli Army, their allegiance to Lebanese Forces'
leader Bashir Gemayel and their response to his
assassination just after he was elected Lebanon's
president. The talk about how they moved into the camps,
tossed grenades into houses and sprayed rooms with
gunfire and killed at close range.
They talk about one man, a butcher, who exercised his
preference for the tactility of killing with a knife
instead of a gun. They talk about another who,
mid-massacre, picked up a young girl by the waist, raped
her, dropped her on the ground and shot her in the head,
saying afterward to anyone who was interested, "I
needed a f***." They talk about how they dumped dead
bodies into a pit and tried to dispose of them with
chemicals. As the minutes tick by, they talk and they
talk and they talk.
Culling these 99 minutes from 60 hours of rushes, the
filmmakers cut away the bulk of the massacre's details
and specificities to leave a spare but legible language
of violence at the core of the film. Borgmann and Slim
also made a deliberate choice - what they call their
"politically incorrect approach" - in
portraying the massacre from the perspective of the
perpetrators, not the victims. In doing so, they shredded
all the filters and mediating frameworks that might
otherwise make their subjects palatable.
"Massaker" is no story of survival or
redemption, nor is it a clear- cut narrative of moral
condemnation. Instead, it is an inquiry, more political
than theoretical. What impulses drive a man to commit
horrific acts of violence? What conditions transform
those impulses from individual to collective actions?
"Massaker" made its world premiere at the
Berlin Film Festival in February, where it won the
Fipresci prize. The film has since been shown in 15
different festivals in 15 different countries. In France
and Greece, "Massaker" is getting a general
theatrical release.
But so far the film has only been screened in Lebanon
once - in the context of a week-long symposium on civil
violence and collective memory that took place last month
(the film was approved by the censors just six hours
prior to its public showing).
It made for uncomfortable viewing not only for the
claustrophobic closeness of the events themselves but
also for the fact that, while elsewhere these six guys
might be talking from behind bars or otherwise distanced
from viewers, in Lebanon they are talking from, well,
anywhere and everywhere. "In the film, six men are
appearing and they are living between us," say
Borgmann and Slim in a postscreening interview,
"inside Lebanese society, leading today a normal
life."
Thanks to the 1991 general amnesty law that followed the
cessation of Lebanon's civil war, these six guys - and
untold numbers like them from every social, political,
economic, religious and sectarian notch on Lebanon's
complicated cultural bandwidth - have been pardoned,
their crimes forgotten without ever being acknowledged as
such, as crimes.
Much has been made of high-ranking wartime militiamen who
segued directly into postwar ministerial posts and remain
in positions of political and economic power today. But
what about the rest? Of the men in "Massaker,"
one may be your neighbor, another may make your manoushe
in the morning, yet another may work at the gas station
down the street. One of the more difficult, implicit and
never fully articulated questions that
"Massaker" raises is, so how are you going to
live with that?
"This film is a kind of protestation against a whole
political culture based on forgiveness and amnesty,"
explain Borgmann and Slim. "The Lebanese will not
have the chance - each time a crime is committed - to
have an international inquiry commission. This film is -
among other things - an invitation to the Lebanese to
assume their present and future as well as their
long-lasting, violent past. In general, we believe that
history cannot be ignored. The process of revisiting
[one's] own history can be sometimes extremely painful,
but no one can, in the end, avoid it."
Those intentions are admirable, but does the film bear
them out?
In formal and aesthetic terms, "Massaker" is
all over the place. Each scene is set in the rooms of
random, anonymous apartments. Because the film was shot
during the summer months and because, apparently, the
filmmakers kept the windows closed from prying eyes, the
six men who speak in the film disrobe as they do so. The
camera avoids their faces and focuses on their bodies, so
what you get as a viewer is an awful lot of profusely
sweating flesh.
This emphasis on the body should convey a great deal of
meaning, employing a visual language to underscore and
undermine the film's verbal language all at once. But
because the quality of filming is so poor,
"Massaker" squanders the opportunity to match
form to content in an impactful way.
It's not just that the film is, on the most practical
levels, difficult to see and hear - Borgmann and Slim
tweaked the sound and darkened the image in
postproduction to prevent the possibility of anyone
identifying the six subjects. Every shot seems
accidentally, even amateurishly composed.
The camera jerks left and rotates 90 degrees, as if to
frame the subjects, cheaply, as monstrous. It drifts to a
bulky shoulder and spins around a character's foot for no
reason at all. Technically speaking only the editing -
tracing the massacre from start to finish and giving the
film a rhythm that quickens in intensity and tightens
like a vice - is masterful.
Also vexing is the way in which the filmmakers prompt
their subjects with photographic evidence of the
massacres at Sabra and Shatila. One man flips through a
stack of press pictures - gruesome shots of dead bodies
piled in dirt - and crumples each one into a paper ball
as he goes. How is one to read this? Does he destroy
these images because there is no truth in them? Because
they are inadequate containers for a horror too great to
be referenced, much less represented? Because they don't
conform to his memory? Because they haunt his memory?
Because they upset him? Because they confuse him? How do
these images, reproduced and repeated, relate to the
trauma of Sabra and Shatila?
If a trauma is precisely that which cannot be absorbed
into conscious thought and is therefore repressed, and if
the filmmakers are using these pictures to trigger a
return of the traumatic, then they are painting their
subjects, the perpetrators, as victims, suggesting they
too have been traumatized. The problem with that, notes
art critic and historian Hal Foster, is that "a
traumatic subject ... has absolute authority, for one
cannot challenge the trauma of another; one can only
believe it, even identify with it, or not."
Because Lebanon has pursued an official policy of postwar
amnesia for over 15 years, artists, novelists and
filmmakers have taken up the task of beating back
historical erasure in the realm of cultural production.
"Massaker" may not be the most visually
sophisticated piece of work to come down this pike. But
it points to a serious problem. A film, even a
documentary with a bent more activist that aesthetic, is
an artwork. It may be seductive, convincing, provocative
or not. But it cannot confer the status or legitimacy of
official postwar reconciliation policies, however barren
and suspect those may be. It cannot demand truthful
confessions or mete out meaningful consequences.
The six men who talk and talk in "Massaker" do
so without fear of prosecution. They are not on trial
(even though one says that being filmed, he feels
"as if" he were). They are off the hook. With
perhaps one exception, they show no remorse.
"Massaker," in effect," provides these six
men with a platform, a productive space, from which they
make excuses for themselves and boast. For that is the
thrust of their talk. It is the boasting of men who take
advantage of the opportunity to freely assert their
masculinity and virility, their chest-pounding status as
men.
Does this humanize them to such an extent that viewers -
neighbors, fellow citizens, victims' families - may learn
to forgive them? Maybe, maybe not. Maybe the best
"Massaker" can do is document such talk and
hope an audience responds. Otherwise all viewers are left
with is despair.
Copyright (c) 2005 The Daily Star
For more information, see http://indictsharon.net
Monika Borgmann was
born in 1963 and studied Arab Philology and
Political Sciences in Bonn and Damascus. Since
1999, she has been working as a freelance
journalist for radio and press. In 2001, she
co-founded the production company Umam
Production.
Lokman Slim was born in 1962 in Lebanon and
studied Philosophy in Paris. In 1990, he founded
the Arab-language publishing house Dar al Jadid
and co-founded Umam Production with Monika
Borgmann in 2001.
Hermann Theissen was born in 1954 and
studied Germanic Studies, Social Science,
Theater, Film and Television Sciences. Since
1987, he has been a senior editor in the features
department of Deutschlandfunk and has directed
the television features Das war doch utopie fuer
uns - Vom Berber zum Unternehmer (1986) and
Eisenhuettenstadt - Eine sozialistische Stadt im
Umbruch (1991).
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