The Millenium Ecosystem Assessment

Sipa Press, Dead Fish in Spain 1998 River
Guadiamar, 1998
After four years of study, the Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment, accompanied by an
appropriately sombre statement from UN
Secretary-General Koffi Annan, was
released on March 31, 2005. The findings:
More than half the vital "ecosystem
services" the earth provides to
support human life - breathable air,
abundant fresh water, fish and birds and
plants, the regulation of regional
climate, the control of natural hazards
and pests, and so on - have been
desparately degraded, or are being used
unsustainably.
There were 1,300 experts from 95
countries involved in the study. Several
United Nations agencies pitched in, as
did 22 international scientific
organizations and development agencies,
and business groups, and
environmentalists. So there are many
people to thank for their efforts in
telling us what we already knew: There
are forces at work in the world that are
turning our living, breathing planet into
burning cinder, hurtling through the
firmanent.
The odd part is that these forces are
operating in perfectly legal ways. All
this is happening in full accordance with
the strictures and codes of international
and domestic law.
Expect declines in water quality,
sudden shifts in regional climate, and
more vast "dead zones" in the
oceans, the experts said. Expect more
people to suffer. Expect more people to
go hungry. Expect more people to succumb
to strange new diseases. Expect the
legions of the poor to grow ever larger.
In Sub-Saharan Africa alone, expect
another 89 million people to fall under
the crushing weight of abject poverty
over the next ten years.
"Radical changes in the way
nature is treated, at every level of
decision-making, and new ways of
cooperation between government, business
and civil society" - this was the
experts' remedy. Fair enough.
There is a principle in law, and it is
found in every legal tradition on earth.
It is known as the "defence of
necessity." The pinciple recognizes
that there are times when people are
forced by circumstances to transgress the
law. The very planet is now gripped by
such cirumstances as to make a defence of
necessity justifiable in defence of what
remains of those things the Millennium
Ecosystem Assessment describes so coldly
as vital "ecosystem services."
Acts of defence that transgress the
law may prove the most effective remedy
available to us. It's sobering to
consider this, but so is the alternative:
The cities in flames, the world round.
Terry Glavin
Wangari
Maathais Nobel
prize-winning activism has thrust
the environment to the forefront
of the global security agenda
Professor Wangari
Maathai has been named as a Nobel
laureate. 
Its an astounding
achievement: the first African
woman, and only 12th female, to
win the Nobel peace prize; she
takes her place beside Nelson
Mandela, the Dalai Lama, Martin
Luther King and Mother Theresa.
Even more importantly, shes
the only environmentalist ever to
have received the prize. In one
graceful leap she has thrust the
environment into the forefront of
global security issues.
When I meet her in her room at
the Intercontinental Hotel in
London, she is fresh from picking
up her prize in Oslo, and gives
the impression of being someone
whos long been waiting for
the world to catch up with her.
Of course peace and the
environment are connected,
she shrugs. Look at the
wars we fight: they are almost
always over resources: land, oil,
water, grazing ground, fishing
rights.
Maathai won the peace prize
because of her work planting
trees and encouraging women
throughout Africa to do the same.
At the last count her Green Belt
Movement is responsible for
planting 30 million trees in
Kenya alone. Besides stemming
profligate deforestation, soil
erosion and climate change, the
movement promoted womens
rights and empowered impoverished
communities before joining the
pro-democracy movement that
eventually dismissed the corrupt,
land-grabbing government of Moi.
He was right: she was a serious
threat.
At 64, statuesque and elegant in
colourful African robes, Maathai
carries herself like an elder
stateswoman. Shes now a
member of parliament (voted in
with a 98 per cent share of the
vote in 2002), and serves as
Kenyas deputy minister for
the environment, natural
resources and wildlife. And
shes relishing the
international platform the Nobel
prize has given her. Shes
been giving interviews
back-to-back since eight this
morning, and steps from her final
Japanese TV crew straight into a
waiting cab for the airport.
But whenever she smiles, which is
often, her face becomes instantly
mischievous. And then you are
reminded that for half of her 64
years shes been a rebel
activist, fighting with those on
the wrong side of the fence, a
sharp thorn in the side of the
establishment.
I never saw myself as an
activist, she grins.
When this all began I was a
very decent professor at the
University of Nairobi. I was a
good girl. But once I started I
realised activism was a
necessity. As we moved further
and deeper into it we kept
finding doors closed, so we had
to force those doors open.
For years the Green Belt Movement
was hardly noticed by the
government, because, as Maathai
points out, only
women were involved. So by
the time the government machinery
moved against Maathai she already
had widespread grass-roots
support. People understood that
she was on the side of the poor .
Nonetheless, her activism landed
her in jail numerous times,
hastened the end of her marriage,
sent her into exile in Tanzania
for six months, and, in 1999,
resulted in her being knocked
unconscious while planting trees
in Nairobis Karura Public
Forest. I never imagined
the police would hurt us,
she says of the Karura Public
Forest incident. I thought
they were there to protect us
because the crowd was so large,
but then they charged.
She insisted on signing her
police report in blood from her
head wound. Her gestures have
often been flamboyant,
in-your-face protests unthinkable
for most women in Kenyas
traditional, patriarchal society.
She broke taboos, risking
ostracism and derision in the
process. In 1992 she persuaded
other women to strip naked in
downtown Nairobi. She said that
in taking off their clothes, the
women resorted to something
they knew traditionally would act
on the men
They stripped to
show their nakedness to their
sons. It is a curse to see your
mother naked.
When asked about Mois
claims that shes mad, she
thinks for a moment before
saying, Hes probably
right. You have to be mad to
break from the mainstream. When
everybody thinks that this is the
path to take and you get an
inspiration that tells you that
it will lead to destruction and
you dare get up and tell
everybody that the king is wrong:
that is madness.
Her inspiration for such madness
lies in the land surrounding her
childhood home near the central
Kenyan town of Nyeri: rich,
fertile land where she worked
with her mother in the fields
planting and harvesting and
fetching water from the crystal
streams that flow from the slopes
of neighbouring Mount Kenya.
I specifically remember
discovering tadpoles in one of
those streams, and how fascinated
I was by these tiny
creatures, she recalls.
Many years later when I
went back, the clean rivers had
been filled with red silt and the
tadpoles were no longer there. My
own child could not play with
them as I had.
In the last 150 years Kenya has
lost nearly 90 per cent of its
natural woodland. Clearances
began when British colonialists
replaced forests with cash crops,
mainly tea and coffee, and
continued post-independence as
political favours were bought
with land bribes: hectares of
pristine woodland were promptly
cut down.
By the early 1970s, when Maathai
joined the National Council of
Women of Kenya, rural women, many
of them from Nyeri, complained
bitterly about the lack of clean
water, the miles they had to walk
to find firewood, and the fact
that the rains seemed to fail
more often.
They told me what they
needed: firewood, food, water,
building materials; and I
realised that these needs were
not being met because
deforestation was leading to soil
loss, to springs drying up, rain
patterns changing that meant
farmers were not able to produce
enough food to last until the
next season. I realised something
had to be done.
So in 1977 she planted seven
seedlings in her back yard and a
movement was born.
Initially, it was simply
about women helping themselves:
give yourself firewood, give
yourself fruits, give yourself
fodder and protect your
soil. Maathai cups her
hands in front of her as she
describes teaching the women to
hold onto the blessings of
rain, to not let one
drop leave [their] own
land. It was only later on
that her campaign came to be
about the common good.
In addition to the
Green Belt Movement's
program to distribute
seedlings to rural women,
an incentive system was
set up for each seedling
that survived. As a
result, more than 50,000
small-scale farmers and
households have planted
over 15 million trees,
new income has been
produced for 80,000
people in Kenya alone,
and the initiative has
expanded to over 30
African countries, the
U.S., and Haiti. The
movement has also made it
possible for more than
one million Kenyan
children to plant trees
on school grounds. |
In this way the Green Belt
Movement has brought the Kenyan
people full circle. Maathai
points out that before
colonisation ordinary Kenyans had
a profound cultural relationship
with the land, and she blames
Christianisation as the beginning
of an attitude that has led to
the commercialisation of
nature.
In my grandparents
time, she says,
people believed that Mount
Kenya was a holy mountain; they
had a reverential attitude to the
rivers, the mountains, the trees.
Then the missionaries came along
and said, God doesnt
live in the mountains; He lives
in heaven.
The whole process, she says,
dramatically altered
peoples perception. It
allowed people to view
nature as a commodity:
something to be exploited, sold
for dollars, something that was
up for grabs instead of a
community resource that needs to
be nurtured for future
generations.
Maathai is a rare species in
Africa: a woman who is educated,
independent, and in contrast to
those who make up Africas
male political elite, her rural
childhood has made her
comfortable in connecting with
the poor and illiterate of her
country. They speak a language
she learnt before her degrees in
America and Germany enabled her
to talk on their behalf.
Listening to them I was
struck by my privilege, she
says. I was living a good
life, with water coming from a
tap, and in front of me were
sisters who had to walk for miles
for the same privilege.
She is deeply critical of the
international communitys
apathy towards Africa,
inequitable trade tariffs, the
Third Worlds huge burden of
debt. And she is suspicious about
Tony Blairs much trumpeted
Commission for Africa. But she
also puts the onus of
responsibility on Africans
themselves. She urges ordinary
Africans to insist on good
governance in their own
countries, so that African
leaders raise their political
consciences, and the tide turns
on the endemic corruption that
Western governments use as an
excuse for not eliminating debt
or lowering tariffs. Until
we put our own house in
order, she says, the
international system will
continue giving excuses.
Thanks in large part to Maathai,
Kenyas fortunes have turned
a corner. The fragile coalition
headed by Mwai Kibaki, which
ousted Moi in 2002, continues to
fight corruption and poverty. And
Maathai is enjoying being on the
right side of the
fence for a change.
Many people prefer me on
the other side of the
fence, she laughs.
They were [so] used to me
there making noise and creating
hell for the government that they
cannot accept me sitting here
doing nothing in the form of
agitation, but this is a
government of our own making so
it is right to support it.
Meanwhile, the Green Belt
Movement continues to broaden its
remit. It also now encourages
organic farming and the growing
of indigenous plants to
supplement the diets of rural
people, and is working with women
to educate about HIV/Aids.
But more than anything the
movement has taught thousands of
individuals in hundreds of
communities that they can change
their lives by tending to their
environment; that their own
empowerment lies in the land
beneath their feet.
Poverty leads directly
to environmental degradation,
because poor people do not think
of the future and will cut down
the last tree if necessary. But
environmental degradation will
also lead to poverty, because
when you have no soil you have no
grasses, no trees and no water:
you cannot really help yourself.
I used to say to the
women, If we say we are too
poor to take care of the
environment then it will only get
worse. We have to turn it around
and push the poverty back.
Planting trees breaks the cycle:
when we can give ourselves food,
firewood, and help to nurture
soil for planting and clean
water, then we begin to roll
poverty back.
The World Bank and
International Monetary Fund may
insist that international trade
is the exclusive route to
prosperity, but Maathai has
proven that its
self-sufficiency on a micro level
that is more efficient and
sustainable.
I suspect that her Nobel laureate
status wont change Maathai
much. The only difference is that
now her voice can be raised on an
international platform, and one
hopes that she will be heard by
world leaders, development
agencies, the World Bank
everyone, in fact, who is looking
for solutions to global warming,
poverty, problems to do with
development, and conflict. ?
|
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Things
Grow Better With Coke
John Vidal
Tuesday, November 2, 2004
Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
Indian farmers have come up with what
they think is the real thing to keep
crops free of bugs. Instead of paying
hefty fees to international chemical
companies for patented pesticides, they
are reportedly spraying their cotton and
chili fields with Coca-Cola. In the past
month there have been reports of hundreds
of farmers turning to Coke in Andhra
Pradesh and Chattisgarh states. But as
word gets out that soft drinks may be bad
for bugs and a lot cheaper than anything
that Messrs Monsanto, Shell and Dow can
offer, thousands of others are expected
to switch.
Gotu Laxmaiah, a farmer from
Ramakrishnapuram in Andra Pradesh, said
he was delighted with his new cola spray,
which he applied this year to several
hectares of cotton. "I observed that
the pests began to die after the soft
drink was sprayed on my cotton," he
told the Deccan Herald
newspaper.
One litre of highly concentrated Avant,
Tracer and Nuvocron, three popular Indian
pesticides, costs around 10,000 rupees
(L120), but one-and-a-half litres of
locally made Coca-Cola is 30 rupees. To
spray an acre would be a mere 270 rupees.
The main ingredients of all colas are
water and sugar but some manufacturers
add citric and phosphoric acids to give
that extra bite to human taste buds.
Yesterday a leading Indian agriculture
analyst, Devinder Sharma, said: "I
think Coke has found its right use.
Farmers have traditionally used
sugary solutions to attract red ants to
feed on insect larvae. "I think the
colas are also performing the same
role."
The properties of Coke have been
discussed for years. It has been reported
that it is a fine lavatory cleaner, a
good windscreen wipe and an efficient
rust spot remover.
|
Third Mexican
Activist Wins Award for Environmental Defense
By Talli
Nauman, The Herald Mexico-El Universal |
April 26, 2005
Another Mexican has won the international
Goldman Environmental Prize, which is called the
Nobel for grassroots
environmentalists. Isidro Baldenegro López is
the third Mexican to claim the coveted award. Not
only that but he and both the others earned that
distinction for the same kind of activism:
defending the forest.
That says something about the importance of
halting deforestation in Mexico . It also says
something about the grave danger of trying to
protect the woods.
As Goldman Environmental Foundation President
Richard N. Goldman noted at the awards ceremony
in San Francisco on April 18, the recipients are
selected on the basis of the need for their
countries to act on the prizewinners
initiatives and on the candidates courage.
Mexico s rate of deforestation is second
only to that of Indonesia . From 1993 to 2000,
forest coverage in Mexico declined almost 3
million acres each year. Misguided enterprises
have cut or burned more than half of the countrys
woodlands--and not for any significant
contribution to the formal economy. Meanwhile,
threats and rights abuses are the steady fare for
community activists who try to reverse the trend.
Baldenegro, 38, was jailed on trumped-up
weapons charges for his successful role in
mobilizing indigenous and other community members
of the Western Sierra Madre against the mounting
destruction of old-growth forests. The illegal
logging there in Chihuahua state is undertaken
for the purpose of narcotics plantations and drug
money laundering.
The violence engendered by this longstanding
plight is eroding Tarahumara and other
indigenous, land-based cultures. Ingrained
corruption fosters it. And Baldenegro learned
about its devastating results at a young age,
when his father was murdered in 1986 in the
decades-old conflict with local crime bosses
known as the Fontes Cartel.
Beginning in March 2003, he led a peaceful
civil disobedience and court case joined by other
family members of victims of the Fontes Cartel,
which is sacrificing lives and the biodiversity
of the Copper Canyon area in northern Mexico to
the cause of crime.
Thanks to the help of domestic and
international advocates for the environment and
human rights, Baldenegro established his
innocence and secured his freedom in June 2004.
Now he is carrying on the conservation effort,
and the Goldman award helps keep public attention
focused to prevent further injustice.
A precursor to Baldenegros effort is
that of Edwin Bustillos, who garnered the Goldman
in 1996. Bustillos stopped some illegal logging
operations with the creation of a human rights
and environmental organization called CASMAC
(Advisory Council of the Sierra Madre) in 1992.
Suffering atrocious attacks and death threats
attributed to the Fontes Cartel, Bustillos
nonetheless persevered to achieve local community
declarations of two old-growth forest reserves.
His organization set a precedent in developing
proposals from 10 other communities for biosphere
reserve integration.
CASMAC has been promoting appropriate economic
alternatives to illegal drug production and
logging. These include permaculture methods, a
native craft program, organic paper production,
and conservation of medicinal plants. Were it not
for the solidarity of the Goldman foundation and
other groups, Bustillos might not have lived to
see these projects unfold.
Meanwhile, further to the south, in the
Pacific Coast state of Guerrero, Rodolfo Montiel
Flores helped form the Peasant Environmentalist
Organization of Petatlán and Coyuca de Catalán
(OCEP). He received a Goldman prize that helped
draw attention worldwide for the struggle against
uncontrolled logging by Boise Cascade Corp. and
local bosses in the 1990s, too.
It was only after Montiel received the award
in 2000 that Mexican President Vicente Fox
ordered his release in 2001 from the Guerrero
jail where he was detained, tortured, and
obligated to confess to fabricated charges. But
even since then, OCEPs members remain in
danger, as do Sierra Madre defenders.
Felipe Arreaga Sánchez, another well-known
OCEP participant, has been jailed since Nov. 3 on
charges of murder and criminal association, while
a veritable witch-hunt proceeds for others of his
organization. Amnesty International is monitoring
that situation. It says the process has clear
indications of political motivation.
As the Goldman foundation describes its
prizewinners, they are literal and
figurative voices in the wilderness, men and
women from isolated villages and inner cities who
are willing to take great personal risks to
safeguard the environment.
Since 1990, 107 Goldman winners selected from
65 countries have benefited an estimated 102
million people worldwide, the foundation says.
Like the foundation, each and every one else
has a role to play to bring the winners
voices out of the wilderness, protect them, echo
them, and see that their messages stick.
Talli Nauman is a program associate at the
Americas Program of the International Relations
Center (online at www.irc-online.org).
She originally published this opinion in her
weekly column at The Herald Mexico, based
at El Universal in Mexico City, as part of
her independent media project Journalism to Raise
Environmental Awareness, which she initiated with
support from the MacArthur Foundation.
www.americaspolicy.org
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