THE HANDSTAND

MAY 2003

 

Long-Term Damage From a Short-Term War

by Solana Pyne
April 16 - 22, 2003

Raw sewage courses through canals and riverbeds. Toxic clouds from burning oil and smoldering buildings billow into the air, raining particles on the countryside. Heavy metals and a stew of chemicals from bombed industrial plants spill into the soil and pollute drinking-water supplies. Iraq's air, land, and water have been battered, and some experts say more Iraqi civilians will die from post-war environmental problems than have been killed during the fighting.

The Department of Defense has done no environmental assessment in Iraq of damage, cleanup requirements, or costs, acknowledged Glen Flood, a Pentagon spokesman. Peter Zahler, a conservation biologist who supervised environmental assessment of Afghanistan as part of the Post-Conflict Assessment Unit of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), characterized the U.S. and its allies as "very unprepared" to deal with environmental damage.

With scarce knowledge of what pollution remains from the 1991 war, and little data on what has been hit this time around..... Among the possible dangers are carcinogenic PCBs leaking from the transformers or ammonia seeping out of damaged fertilizer plants.Also threatening, Zahler and other experts said, is depleted uranium, a toxic and radioactive heavy metal used by U.S. and British forces.

The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has requested proposals from U.S. companies for eight contracts on projects ranging from repairing ports and airports to running schools. None address remediation of pollution from ordnance and bombed facilities.

In Iraq, humans aren't the only immediate victims. The desert itself may take a century or more to recover from the damage caused by the rapid push of thousands of tons of military hardware.

In 1991, UNEP recommended creation of an international plan to rehabilitate the environment, a sort of Marshall Plan to deal with the environmental disaster in the Middle East caused by the first Gulf War. The plan never materialized, and much of the damage remains. When asked why, Nick Nuttall, UNEP's head of communications, said there was no particular reason. "After a war. there's lots of goodwill and good ideas," he said. "And then the world moves on."




Aftermath
By Conn Hallinan
While the shooting may be winding down, the consequences of using controversial weapons will be around for a long time to come, with clusters taking a steady toll on the unwary and the young, and DU poisoning the air and water.

Cluster munitions-bombs, shells and rockets that release highly explosive canisters that shred everything from people to tanks-have been an environmental nightmare since the war in Southeast Asia. Of the 90 million cluster munitions dropped on tiny Laos from 1964 to 1973, 30 percent failed to explode.The result is a national minefield that has killed and maimed more than 12,000 people and which continues to exact a yearly toll of 100 to 200. In one 20 square kilometer area, the British Mines Advisory Group, the world's leading bomb clearing organization, recently found 376,000 unexploded weapons, the vast majority of them cluster munitions.

More than 50 million clusters were used in the 1991 Gulf War. In the two years following the war, they killed 1,400 Kuwaiti civilians and, as late as last year, 200 cluster weapons were found there each month.According to Colin King, the author of Jane's Explosive Ordinance Disposal Guide and a disposal expert in Gulf War I, clusters caused "massive problems" in Kosovo, the Gulf and Afghanistan, and they are "going to cause massive problems in the Gulf again."The most notorious cluster is the Vietnam era "Rockeye," the CBU-99, armed with MK-118 bomblets, which have a failure rate as high as 30 percent. A U.S. company hired to clear cluster weapons from Kuwait found 95,700 unexploded MK-118 submunitions in one small area.

More recent cluster weapons, like the CBU-103, 104, 105, and AGM-154 A and B, have better track records, but even these can fail anywhere from 5 to 23 percent of the time.Children are particularly in danger because some of the canisters are yellow, like the American emergency food packs.

Depleted Uranium is ubiquitous on any recent American battlefield.  The U.S. used 320 tons of it during the first Gulf War, and 10 tons of it in Kosovo. Its resistance to enemy projectiles and its ability to turn hardened armor into margarine gives the U.S. an enormous advantage over any opponent who lacks it. It is, however, illegal. In August of last year, a United Nations subcommittee found that the use of DU violated seven international agreements, including the UN Charter and the Geneva Conventions.

Used in 120 mm tank shells and 30 mm cannon ammunition, DU has an ignition threshhold of only 1132 degrees, one-third that of tungsten. It can punch through four inches of steel, roasting the inside of tanks and armored vehicles with a 10,000-degree fireball.Anywhere from 30 percent to 70 percent of DU turns into tiny dust particles, which may travel as far as 40 kilometers. DU is not very radioactive-about the same as naturally occurring uranium-but if ingested, according to the U.S. Environmental Policy Institute, it "has the potential to generate significant medical consequences."

DU has long been a suspect in Gulf War Syndrome, the melange of physical woes afflicting up to 30 percent of the veterans from the 1991 conflict. The Department of Defense doesn't consider low level radiation a threat, but a recent study by the Armed Forces Radiobiology Research Institute may force a reevaluation of that conclusion."People have always assumed low doses are not much of a problem," Alexandra Miller of the Institute told The Guardian (British), "but they can cause more damage than people think." The study indicates that DU damages bone marrow chromosomes.The effects of low level radiation are hard to track, because many "solid" cancers don't show up for 16 to 24 years. However, Iraqi medical authorities claim the cancer rate in the Basra area has jumped ten-fold. The area was saturated with DU during the 1991 war. Besides being radioactive, DU is also a toxic metal that can damage the kidney and the liver.

Another worry are DU "misses," where the enormous weight and speed of DUs drive them as deep as 24 inches into the ground. "A major concern of the potential environmental effects by intact [DU] penetrators or large penetrator fragments," notes the World Health Organization, 'is the potential contamination of ground water after weathering."

REPARATIONS - WHO WILL PAY?
At most, Iraqi oil could bring in $18 billion a year, barely enough to feed the 60 percent of the population dependent on food handouts. Nor does this even address rebuilding the country's infrastructure, ravaged by 12 years of sanctions and the recent war, a price tag that, according to PFC Energy, a Washington consulting firm,  will probably run in excess of $300 billion.Iraq also has a debt burden that may be as high as $383 billion, and no one seems to be stepping forward to write it off. Indeed, the Financial Times called Deputy of Defense Paul Wolfowitz's call for debt cancellation,"mischievous." As Russian Foreign Alexei Kudrin pointed out, no one forgave his country's enormous debts.Unlike in Gulf War I, where the allies picked up most the tab, the Bush Administration's "Coalition of the Willing" is flat broke, and the White House has only allotted $2.4 billion to the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance. On top of that, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have been hesitant to step in without United Nations authority.

In part, the IMF is nervous about getting into the business of cleaning up after the American military. "I don't see that for the long term future you can keep together a world of peace and prosperity just based on military might," IMF Managing Director Horst Kohler told the Financial Times.

The Other Saddam -
A View From India

By Mani Shankar Aiyar
From The UPI International Desk
4-7-3
.... Rense.com
BANGALORE, India (UPI) -- Why should the Iraqi people feel any gratitude or loyalty to President Saddam Hussein. You would not know it from anything that has been written in the U.S. or British media, but there are very good reasons.
I was commercial counselor and deputy chief of mission at the Indian Embassy in Baghdad from 1976 to 1978. During the interregnum between two ambassadors, I was also for a while the Indian charge d'affaires. This explains why I had more than one occasion to stare into Saddam's expressionless grey-green eyes -- straight out of "The Day of the Jackal" -- while shaking his hand at various official banquets and other ceremonial occasions.
Saddam ran a brutal dictatorship. That, however, caused no concern to the hordes of Western businessmen who descended in droves on Iraq to siphon what they could of Iraq's newfound oil wealth through lucrative contracts for everything. Everything -- from eggs to nuclear plants.

Technologically, from the end of the Turkish Empire over Iraq in 1919 through the British mandate, which lasted till 1932, and the effete monarchy masterminded by Anthony Eden's buddy, Nuri es-Said, right up to the Baath Party coup of 1968, there was virtually no progress at all.
Iraqi latifundia -- the vast country house estates of the tiny privileged elite -- gave large parties for visiting Western guests, including Agatha Christie's archaeologist husband who did most of his digging in Nineveh, now known worldwide to TV viewers as Mosul, while the puppet ruling establishment gave away Iraq's most precious asset, oil, for a song. Iraq's major export was -- hold your Patriot missile -- dates, the fruit of the Arab desert eaten by pious Muslims to break their daylight fast during the Muslim Lent -- Ramadan. India was Iraq's largest buyer.
It was Saddam's revolution that ended Iraqi backwardness. Education, including higher and technological education, became the top priority. More important, centuries of vicious discrimination against girls and women was ended by one stroke of the modernizing dictator's pen.
I used to drive past the Mustansariya University on my way home from downtown Baghdad. It was miraculous -- I use the word advisedly -- it was nothing short of miraculous to see hundreds of girl-students thronging the campus, none in "burkhas" or "chador" -- the head-to-toe black cape that was, and is, essential dress for women in most of the Islamic world -- and almost all in skirts and blouses that would grace a Western university. The liberation of women -- that is half the population of Iraq, as for any other country -- has been the most dramatic achievement of Saddam's regime. To understand how dramatic just look across the Iraqi border at America's once-favorite Arab satrap, Saudi Arabia.
Has U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld factored the feelings of women into his war plans for the taking of Baghdad?
I think of the chief engineer at the State Organization for Industrial Housing, the driving force behind the massive housing program, which turned Baghdad in the first decade of Baath rule from a dirty shantytown into a pulsating modern metropolis that provided a roof over the head of every family in the city.
The chief engineer was a woman. Such was the position of women in Iraq under Saddam a quarter century ago. One had to keep reminding oneself that this was the Middle East.....
My second daughter, Yamini, was born in Medical City, Baghdad, symbol of the astonishing revolution wrought by the Baath Party in health care. My child's cradle is now a coffin, a purgatory that holds the mangled remains of Iraqi babies killed by a rain of terror to end a reign of terror. If I, who lived in Baghdad but two years, and that too as a foreigner and so many decades ago, feel violated in my deepest sensitivities at what is being done to my memories of the ordinary Iraqi men, women and children I knew, consider the feelings of those who have lived all their lives in Iraq, all those below 40 years of age who have known no Iraq other than the Iraq of Saddam, and now find everything they have seen grow around them going up in smoke - for their "liberation!"
Iraq is home to some of the holiest Muslim shrines, fertile ground for religious fundamentalism. Saddam would have none of it. Clerics were put firmly in their place -- that is, the mosque and the madrasa -- and the Iraqi believer liberated from the thralldom of the priesthood. The ethos was completely secular: we interacted every day with Iraqis of numerous religious persuasions in every position of responsibility.
Few know even now that one of Iraq's longest lasting Baath leaders, companion-in-arms to Saddam for the last four decades, is Tariq Aziz, a practicing Christian notwithstanding his name. For Indians, there is a special place in our regard for Saddam who has treated with reverence a sacred spot in Baghdad where, legend has it, Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh faith in the 16th century, meditated on his way back to India from Mecca on the imperative of synthesizing Hindu and Muslim beliefs.
Iraq under Saddam had everything going for it -- except democracy. And it was, of course, the absence of democracy that accounted for Saddam brushing aside all vested interests: his instant liberation of women, his instant dismantling of feudalism, his instant caging of the priesthood, and, therefore, his instant -- and, yes, brutal -- exclusion from Iraq of all forms of religious fundamentalism and religion-based terrorism. Which is, one thing at least that Osama bin Laden and Bush III share: they hate Saddam equally. But other things not wonderful either will take its place. There will be a takeover of civil society by the elements sidelined over four decades of Baath rule.
Mani Shankar Aiyar is a member of the Indian parliament representing the Congress Party. His column is published weekly.
Copyright © 2001-2003 United Press International

WHAT PRICE MUSLIM LIVES?

Jahangir Mohammed for Ummahnews c-m-a@fsmail.net

4th April 2003.

It is often said that Muslim Blood is cheap.  The slaughter of Muslims around the globe is so comprehensive and far-reaching, that it is nothing short of a holocaust.  Most Muslims killed simply end up as a statistic called “collateral damage”(thus denied even as human beings). Even worse, many don’t even make the list of statistics.  Nobody knows, and nobody cares how many Muslims are martyred, how many are injured, widowed, orphaned, or lost their homes and had lives destroyed by oppressors and warmongers. Sadly not even Muslims seem to care.

But to say Muslim blood is cheap is more than an expression, it is factually correct.  When the US bombed a wedding party in Afghanistan and killed around 40 civilians, the American Government of Hamid Karzai offered just $100 each in compensation.  Now a $100 dollars won’t even buy you a cow at the cattle market!

In the eyes of the “civilised” West, we are worth less than their animals, that is if we are valued at all.  The majority of families whose loved ones have been eliminated and whose Nations and their economies have been destroyed are not even considered worthy of compensation from the aggressors.  To add insult to injury, the blood of Iraqi victims of the US and British “wolves”, has not yet dried, and they are immorally talking about awarding contracts. The British and Australian governments have openly complaining that they are not getting a fair share of contracts for reconstructing Iraq.  These scavengers talk about how and who will run Iraq, without mentioning the Iraqi people, and in the same breath hypocritically tell the world they are liberating Iraq.

We witness the murder of Muslims year after year, in country after country, and carry on as normal.  Take one example; I hear that Muslims today won’t even consider resigning from British political parties (that we should now consider as terrorist organisations and their leaders as responsible for crimes against humanity).  I am even more appalled to learn that Muslims are even allowing politicians of these parties to hold meetings in their communities at Mosques and community centres. Many non-Muslims have even taken such simple actions as resigning from the Party.  Compare this behaviour with how Muslims treat each other.  If we so much as have a disagreement with a Muslim friend or family member, we break all relations for months and even years.  But the message we send to our killers is that, “you can kill our brethren and there will be no change in our behaviour towards you”.  We will still be members of your parties, we will still vote for you, we will still canvass for you, you can freely come into our homes, communities and lands.  We will sit and dine with you, and even continue to trade and co-operate with you.  So is it any wonder they come back to kill more in future knowing that after a few angry outbursts, Muslims will not modify their behaviour. 

Having destroyed Iraq and other parts of the Muslim world, it is humiliating for the Muslim world to then let them benefit from Muslim trade or reconstruct our lands.  Why should they get contracts and jobs in Muslim lands?  After all, they discriminate openly against Muslims in their lands.  What we need right now is a sense of priority. If the price of Muslim Blood is cheap, it is so because we are an Ummah with little dignity or sense of shame, or responsibility for our brethren.  We act not out of our duty and responsibility to Allah (swt) and his Ummah, but because we ultimately become humiliated. Like Turkey who refused the US use of their land to attack Iraq, not because of the popular feelings of Muslims, but because of one cartoon in an American newspaper, which portrayed them as a naked prostitute selling herself for $26 billion dollars. The cartoon was right of course they were bargaining dollars in exchange for Muslim blood!

 Jahangir Mohammed is Director of Centre for Muslim Affairs, Manchester, UK.