THE HANDSTAND

MAY 2003

 

A Letter to Aharon Barak, President of Israel’s Supreme Court
You Are Not Protecting My Son’s Rights

19/04/2003

By Matania Ben-Artzi

Supreme Court President, Aharon Barak,

My son, Jonathan (Yoni) Ben-Artzi, is a pacifist. He refused to enlist for military service and asked for an alternative civil service. As a student of Physics and Mathematics, he believed he could best serve the Israeli Society by tutoring children in underprivileged schools, for example.

Yoni's request was rebuffed by the Army. He was called up for service on August 8, 2002. He came to the Induction Center, refused to wear uniform and was immediately incarcerated in Military Prison 4, for a one-month term. Here is the statement he made to the officer who sentenced him that day:

"I, Jonathan Ben-Artzi, am refusing to join the army on grounds of pacifism. My deep belief in non-violence began when I was still a small child, and developed over the years into a broad political and philosophical perception. Because of my beliefs, my own country is going to throw me in jail, in defiance of all international laws and basic moral values. I will go to prison proudly, knowing that this is the least I can do to improve the face of this country."

Yoni has been consecutively sentenced seven times, for the same crime, and has spent over 200 (two hundred) days in Military Prison 4. I am sure that in your capacity as President of the Supreme Court the tough reputation of this prison has reached your ear. However, I suspect that you have never visited the place, neither in the blistering days of August nor the freezing nights of January. I shall spare you details of the life in prison, only to tell you that the Army did not succeed in breaking Yoni's spirit or making him change his mind. Quite contrary, he was heartened by knowing that the prison has since added to its inmate list seventeen conscientious young men, who, resenting the purposeless violence of the Israeli military, have asked for alternative civil service.

Alarmed by the growing number of such courageous boys, the Army decided to do what it knows how to do best: To use more force. On February 19, 2003, Yoni was ordered to stand trial by Court-Martial. The logic underlying the Army's decision was simple: The military court is only authorized to deal with soldiers and Yoni is already a soldier who refuses to sign the papers that will render him a soldier... After so many months of arbitrary detention, Yoni was ready to face the challenge. He had only one condition: He wanted real justice.

He therefore petitioned to you, the President of the Supreme Court, asking for his case to be transferred to the consideration of a civil court. The appeal was drafted by Adv. Avigdor Feldmann, a prominent human rights lawyer, and Adv. Michael Sfard, a young lawyer specializing in International Law.

You surely agree that the document submitted in Yoni's name was a scholarly work worthy of its authors, and even more so, worthy of the presumed spirit of our society. It reminded you that no military tribunal is empowered to decide whether a person is a soldier or a civilian; that matters of conscience should be debated within the framework of the civil society, by their very nature; that all aspects of civil service are under the jurisdiction of the civil system. It recalled foreign court rulings (so well familiar to you) indicating that these principles are universally accepted in all democratic countries, since many decades.

The hearing of the case was set to April 8, 2003. It was an early morning session, and the two Justices that accompanied you seemed quite sleepy and never uttered a word. You, on the other hand, were very active. Indeed, so much so, that you saw to it that the attorney representing the Army had nothing much to do. First, you concurred with the Army that Yoni was already a soldier. Then, you argued that the military judges were perfectly qualified to deal with questions of pacifism, fairly and knowledgeably. Perhaps you do not know, but two of the three judges in Yoni's tribunal are officers who have no college degree and have never attended a course in either Law or Philosophy. Finally, when Yoni's lawyer pointed out that conscientious objectors were always tried in civil courts, you retorted by mentioning that Dreyfus (!) had been convicted in a military court (and then finally acquitted in a civilian one...). Yoni stood no chance. You handed him over to the Army that had already sentenced him seven times.

Yoni was sitting right in front of you during the hearing, but you did not seem to have noticed him. Let me tell you a few things about him. His maternal grandfather Moshe had managed to escape Nazi Europe and to arrive in Palestine just in time to fight in Israel's War of Independence. He was wounded and spent six months in hospital. While in hospital, his son Zvi was born. Two years later Ofra, Yoni's mother, was born. Twenty years later Zvi, a paratrooper, fell in battle. Yoni's older brother was named after him. He too served in the Army. When Yoni's turn came, he drew the line beyond which he would not go. No more futile wars, no more bloodshed.

It may sound ironic that Yoni and you studied in the same prestigious Hebrew University High School. When you came to the school to deliver a speech on human rights, he was deeply impressed. Unfortunately, this experience helped set him on a path that carried him to your Court last week.

You seem to like your image as a judge who epitomizes the most revered values of human rights. It serves you well here and abroad, among your peers. You never miss a conference dedicated to this issue. At the latest one, last week, at the Hebrew University, you preached to our Parliament (and I translate from the Hebrew text):

"The Knesset should establish, loudly and in clear voice, the principles of equality, freedom of expression, rights of defendants and all other human rights-civil, political and social. I deeply regret the fact that the Knesset is not doing that".

The annals of our Supreme Court tell a different story. During your tenure as Justice (and President since 1995) human rights in this country have been severely eroded. Your Court has shamefully succumbed to every whim of the military. Innocent youths were kidnapped in Lebanon to be used as bargaining chips-and your Court approved it. Administrative detentions were imposed by the thousands-but all the appeals to you were dismissed. Targeted killings that took the lives of hundreds of innocent bystanders, cruel closures that wreaked havoc among millions of Palestinians (so that Jewish fanatics could be unabated in their festivities), inhumane destruction of the livelihood of tens of thousands of families--all these have been repeatedly legitimized by your Court.

You gave the Army Generals a free hand, wrapped in a deceptive shield of enlightenment. And when a few boys dared to express their conscientious objection to those evils-you denied them a fair hearing, their basic right of legal defense.

Yoni and his friends, in their young age, have demonstrated their humanity. You did not see it fit to protect their rights.

With due respect,
Matania Ben-Artzi

PS. During the Week of Human Rights last December (yes, here we celebrate a full week, not just a single day) you were scheduled to appear at the Van-Leer Institute, alongside the Chief Military Prosecutor, General Finkelstein. On this occasion Ofra and I handed out a flyer to the participants. I am attaching it herein, for your convenience.

***********************************************************


Aharon Barak and Menachem Finkelstein,

You are celebrating here today the "International Week of Human Rights"- a hypocritical and sanctimonious festival.

This same week: Millions of people are subjected to a cruel and brutal occupation.

**YOU PUT ON IT A FACADE OF JUSTICE AND ENLIGHTENMENT**
This same week: More than seven thousand people are locked up in detention camps, deprived of minimal humane conditions. They have never been brought to court.

** YOU ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR THAT **
This same week: And since many years, the ewe-lamb of the poor is robbed by an evil, war seeking hand. Across the fields of Samaria, the dogs lick up the blood of Naboth.

** YOU NEVER STOPPED THEM **
This same week: YOU threw in jail clear-eyed and pure-hearted boys. Their only sin was that they followed their conscience.

YOU know that you will not silence their voice. YOU know they will win.

The Chronicles of Mankind will tell you that.

When the prophet Isaiah said:

"He eagerly looked for justice, but see, bloodshed! For righteousness, and lo, a cry of distress",

HE WAS REFERRING TO YOU.

YOU WILL NOT ESCAPE THE DAY OF REQUITAL.

"ALL THAT IS REQUIRED FOR EVIL TO TRIUMPH IS FOR GOOD MEN TO DO NOTHING" (Edmund Burke).

"The world stands on three pillars: The truth, the justice and the peace. And these three are indeed one. When justice is served, truth is served, peace is served" (Rabbi Shimon Ben-Gamliel, Talmudic sage).
http://www.palestine-pmc.com/details.asp?cat=7&id=17

My Draft Resistance

Noa Kaufman


I was asked to write a letter about my draft resistance, about an event, for a committee, about making the decision. I sat down in front of the computer and my fingers started typing the story of the "conscience committee" one more time, but something didn't seem right. I deleted it and tried writing about the day I made the decision to refuse. That didn't feel meaningful either.

Then I thought of the day when I truly understood that I not only didn't belong to the army, but that the army would act against me if necessary, and I remembered the day when I felt I had beaten the IDF, the day when I understood that I didn't belong to them - and that they didn't want me, the day when I felt one million percent sure that my draft resistance was the sanest thing I had done in my life.

On October 12, along with my friends, I joined a demonstration of "Taayush" in the neighborhood of Abu Dis in East Jerusalem. We planned to march together, Jews and Palestinians, women and men, youth and older people, towards the wall being built in Abu Dis that, more than anything, symbolizes the alienation and segregation that the state is trying to create between us and our neighbors. It's a commonplace that what you don't see doesn't hurt, and we people don't usually look very far beyond our own back yards.

Saturday, very early in the morning, and I can barely open my eyes to listen to the routine briefing from the people in charge, who are stressing the express request that we do not resort to any type of violence, that we let them handle the situation if something goes wrong. Later, I walked over to the crate to pick up an onion, hoping I wouldn't need to use it, and thinking of the last demonstration involving Palestinians and soldiers, and wishing everything would go smoothly.

We got on the buses, some 200-300 demonstrators, and when we reached the no-driving area, we got off and started marching towards the wall, hoping that from the other side, we'd soon see our Palestinian counterparts, who were under an almost continuous curfew.

Gradually I began to wake up, mostly due to the scorching sun.

The whistles handed out to the neighborhood kids helped some too.

People from the neighborhood joined us, first a trickle and then as if all of us were swept by a wave of enthusiasm: we're marching towards a common goal, no wall will stop us, our numbers are large, we were almost a thousand, demonstrating for such an important cause!

We were walking along a dirt path, a lot of steep drops and exhausting climbs, till we reached an open area. Then the Jewish demonstrators were asked to move forward, we were drilled for this and without thinking twice we moved to the front of the demonstration - Jewish faces look less threatening to the average Border Policeman - leaving behind the residents of the neighborhood who were waving Palestinian flags.

"I hate flags," I whispered to a friend marching beside me.

"So do I," he said, "but look how happy they are that they can finally bear those flags without fear."

Of course, no idyll can be allowed to go for long, and after about half an hour of walking, a few meters before the ugly wall came into sight, large forces of Border Police and regular Police arrived, jeeps loaded with rifles, grenades, helmets, etc.

At first the organizers tried to calm everything down, but the area was declared a sealed military zone, naturally meaning that no one could move in or out except armed military forces.

Within minutes the huge group of demonstrators had turned to run, and soon enough we found out the reason - the soldiers had lobbed teargas canisters at us and the gas was spreading through the air.

If you happen to reach the open air zoo the day the elephants are having a race, you can imagine how it feels to have one thousand people galloping towards you.

I turned around and ran too, fleeing the frightened mass and the gas.

We ran into the back yard of some house that was turned, through no fault of its own, into part of the stupid, pointless battle the army was fighting against us, trying to breathe through the onions provided in advance, groping our way to the fastest way up. into the fresh air, while trying to see through all the huge confusion. I prayed they wouldn't start shooting, and between a tear and a choke I caught sight of a little Arab neighborhood kid - they didn't have any onions.

A kid, and I couldn't tell whether he was crying from the gas or the awful events he'd been hurled into.

I held out held out half my onion and hated myself for dropping out of my Arabic lessons. Go tell a kid with stun grenades exploding all around that he's supposed to breathe through the onion and not rub it in his eyes although it's a common reflex response.

A few minutes later all was quiet and we started slowly making our way back to the demonstration area.

I felt defeated, stupid - I'd felt so moved by a thousand demonstrators. They'd dispersed us in two seconds. Not only hadn't we reached the wall, we'd also caused pointless trouble for the people of the neighborhood.

So many kids were running around, but - like kids - they were back to games and shouting right away, excited about what they had just been through. I mused that it might well have happened to them before.

I'm so na?ve, hiding for years in the streets of Jerusalem, which despite so many bombings and so much blood, still feels to me like a quiet, pleasant city.

In the same streets where dozens, maybe hundreds of kids have been killed, among them some of my childhood friends and faces familiar from the bus or from school. The pretty, quiet, Jerusalem streets, on many days full of kids and fun and happiness, and on others full of bowed heads, hurrying, just to get out of there, out of the bloodbath, out of that terrible cemetery - in those streets I feel protected, at home.

I was stunned by the images and actions of the army, my army, the army protecting me - or at least that's what I was always taught.

And the children, on the other hand, went on as usual, collecting empty gas canisters - playing war.

I found my friends and later, the little kid I'd seen earlier. In broken Arabic I found out that his name was Mohammad and he was 5, and now, out of the dust cloud, I could see what a lovely face he had. The only sign of what he'd been through were his reddened eyes.

We stayed where we were for another few minutes till they let us out. The overriding feeling was frustration, failure. On our way we passed a few army jeeps. I was scared I'd look inside and see one of my class mates sitting there - he on one side, me on the other, while just a few months ago we'd studied together for our high school finals.

I felt something crystallizing in my consciousness - a hatred for those in uniform.

I've always tried not to hate - to understand, to remember that friends of mine wear the same uniforms too and get the same orders, but at that point I felt like taking some soldier, pushing him into a sealed room and filling it with tear gas and, just to be "fair," equipping him with an onion.

I was shocked by the force of my feelings, and I tried to imagine how those living under perpetual occupation hated the soldiers - living day by day with tanks wrecking their streets, destroying what they had been building all their lives, blowing up homes, shooting loved ones.

That evening, when I read the organizers' reports I cried again, this time for joy: the neighborhood residents weren't angry at us at all for causing such a mess, they simply thanked us. "Thank you," one of them had said, "thank you for letting us demonstrate without casualties, no dead or wounded." That reminded me that while we were waiting for the buses to take us home, dehydrated and really hungry, one of the neighborhood people came up and gave us all pitas from his bakery - I could have hugged him right then, for the glimmer of hope I'm always so glad to find, shining through the tiny crack that will someday lead to coexistence.

At that moment I understood that the army would always be against me, would always try to stop me from reaching such demonstrations, but that if these activities could go on helping the realization of even the tiniest right of those neighborhood residents, the right to demonstrate, the right to eat, then I would go on reaching them, whether the IDF liked it or not.  With a lot of joy mixed with some sadness at the final death of the myth of the army that we're all raised to believe, I realized that my refusal to serve in the Israel Defense Force (even now I couldn't stifle a laugh) - to serve the occupation, to serve the checkpoints, the tanks, or even some office in an army base sending out the call-ups - that refusal was not over when I left the induction base with my exemption certificate. My refusal had just begun.
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