sOCIAL sECURITY rEFORM IS PRESENTLY
OBSESSING "WESTERN"gOVERNMENTS WHO WANT TO
IMPROVE THEIR INCOME AND PLACE
THEIR FINGERS IN SOME MORE WALLETS TO PAY FOR THE
"war", TERRORIZING THE HUMAN RACE
UPDATE:http://www.truthout.org/issues_05/030105SB.shtml
Montana Governor Isn't Cowed by Bush
By Peter Wallsten,The Los Angeles Times
Tuesday 01 March 2005
Washington - President Bush
often quips that the aura of the White House
intimidates visitors, leaving would-be critics to
express only niceties. But the
presidential mansion - and its current occupant -
apparently did not have that effect Monday on
Montana's new governor, who made some sharp
comments after Bush tried to promote his Social
Security overhaul to a group of governors
consumed by other matters.
A no-nonsense rancher and
wheat farmer who took office six weeks ago in a
Republican state, Democratic Gov. Brian
Schweitzer likened the president's pitch to a
magic show trick featuring a rabbit in a hat.
He also compared it to a bull
auction hawking lousy studs.
"I was watching the governors around the
room," said Schweitzer, comparing the group
to potential livestock buyers who assess the
wares and express their intentions with head-nods
or nose-crinkles. "I was
seeing more of this," he said, crinkling his
nose as if detecting a foul odor, "than I
was of this," he said, nodding his head.
"I didn't see a lot of buyers in the
room."
Such harsh words were
surprising coming from Schweitzer, who was
elected after building a public image as a
non-ideological problem-solver; he even chose a
Republican running mate. His
comments were another sign of the growing
frustration with the White House among state
chief executives of both parties as they enter
the last day of the National Governors Assn.'s
winter meeting today.
|
Is
this the template for Bush's
"reparations" re. Social Security??
Anthony Sutton in his book Wall Street and
the Rise of Hitler....observes: Between 1924
and 1931, under the Dawes Plan and the Young
Plan, Germany paid out to the Allies about 86
billion marks in reparations. At the same time
Germany borrowed abroad, mainly in the U.S.,
about 138 billion marks thus making a net
German payment of only three billion marks for
reparations. Consequently, the burden of German
monetary reparations to the Allies was actually
carried by foreign subscribers to German bonds
issued by Wall Street financial houses at
significant profits for themselves, of course.
And, let it be noted, these firms were owned by
the same financiers who periodically took off
their banker hats and donned new ones to become
"statesmen." As "statesmen"
they formulated the Dawes and Young Plans to
"solve" the "problem" of
reparations. As bankers, they floated the loans.
As Carroll Quigley points out,
It is worthy of note that this system was set
up by the international bankers and that the
subsequent lending of other people's money to
Germany was very profitable to these bankers.
Who were the New York international bankers who
formed these reparations commissions? The 1924
Dawes Plan experts from the United States were
banker Charles Dawes and Morgan representative
Owen Young, who was president of the General
Electric Company. Dawes was chairman of the
Allied Committee of Experts in 1924. In 1929 Owen
Young became chairman of the Committee of
Experts, supported by J.P. Morgan himself, with
alternates T. W. Lamont, a Morgan partner, and T.
N. Perkins, a banker with Morgan associations. In
other words, the U.S. delegations were purely and
simply, as Quigley has pointed out, J. P. Morgan
delegations using the authority and seal of the
United States to promote financial plans for
their own pecuniary advantage. As a result, as
Quigley puts it, the "international bankers
sat in heaven, under a rain of fees and
commissions."(this situation
was then superseded by the Young Plan that led to
international financial manipulation.JB,editor)1928:
The Young Plan: According to Hitler's financial
genie, Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, and Nazi
industrialist Fritz Thyssen, it was the 1928
Young Plan (the successor to the Dawes Plan),
formulated by Morgan agent Owen D. Young, that
brought Hitler to power in 1933. Fritz Thyssen
claims that," I turned to the National
Socialist Party only after I became convinced
that the fight against the Young Plan was
unavoidable if complete collapse of Germany was
to be prevented. The difference between the Young
Plan and the Dawes Plan was that, while the Young
Plan required payments in goods produced in
Germany financed by foreign loans, the Young Plan
required monetary payments and "In my
judgment [wrote Thyssen] the financial debt thus
created was bound to disrupt the entire economy
of the Reich." The Young Plan was assertedly
a device to occupy Germany with American capital
and pledge German real assets for a gigantic
mortgage held in the United
States................... The B.I.S. was
essential under the Young Plan as a means to
afford a ready instrument for promoting
international financial relations. According to
his own statements, Schacht also gave Owen Young
the idea that later became the post-World War II
International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development: "A bank of this kind will
demand financial co-operation be, tween
vanquished and victors that will lead to
community of interests which in turn will give
rise to mutual confidence and understanding and
thus promote and ensure peace." |
American Radio Comment:
Commentary from The Laura Flanders Show ,
February
5, 2005
Oh really. How dumb does George really think we are? Does
the President really think we'll fall for it a second
time?
Trust fund bankruptcy?
The Bush team are rolling sometime-a-hundred years from
now estimates of the Social Security Trust fund's
solvency.
There's that magic word again: security. "This is
just a better deal," says W. "The goal is
greater retirement security."
The President's plan gives one set of folks security and
those are the people at the financial services firms.
Don't take it from me. Take it from the Wall Street
Journal. "If only two percentage points of payroll
tax were diverted into privatized accounts, this would
mean $60 Billion a year could flow into mutual funds and
other securities," as reported by the WSJ Feb 20
1996. And that's a low-end estimate.
The world's biggest 401k for someone to manage. Which
fund wouldn't want that? No wonder the Wall St. middle
men are marshalling millions to push Bush's dream-scheme.
If they pull it off, we the taxpayers will pay them of
course, out of our no-longer guaranteed
"benefit." Look at Great Britain - over
40 % of the money accumulated in privatized accounts
there is being spent on fund management fees. In
Chile, it's over one third.
How would it work? W could tell you but he won't. People
divert part of their payroll taxes into private accounts.
That money would be their own, the President assured us
last week: "the government can never take it
away." Right. But the government will take a way a
huge hunk of those separate social security checks, in
exchange. In fact, they'll be cutting those checks by
exactly the amount the private investor earns in the
market, minus inflation (and those fees.) No matter
whether you've chosen to participate in Bush's wacky
scheme or not, everyone's benefits will be cut to cover
what there is of an anticipated Trust Fund shortfall
because Bush's plan doesn't even pretend to address that
anymore. Now that's Congress's job. In fact Bush said in
the State of the Union that he's "open to anyone who
has a good idea." Now do you feel more secure?
Clearly, the White House has reasons to keep the public
distracted.
What's next? Will Condoleezza Rice go before Congress
with a vial of scary-looking bankruptcy notices?
"All it would take for one or two of these to escape
and future generations of retired people will be ruined,
ruined
"
I can hardly wait.
Laura Flanders is host of The Laura Flanders Show on Air
America Radio.
###
FPF-PS: In Sweden the same foul cabal as in the US has
already succeeded: in an article yesterday in the Swedish
newspaper Aftonbladet investigating journalist Dan
Josefsson asks the question: ''are they going to screw
the americans the same way with the privatizing of the
Social Security as they have done to us?"
Loss of 22%
It shows in Sweden that after the implementation of the
same criminal rules as Bush et al is advocating, now 'to
give more security' - the pensioned Swedes all loose 22%
(twenty-two percent) of what they should have had: the
money robbed by the banks and fundholders taking out huge
sums on their own behalf, top gains paid for by the poor
again.
In the Netherlands the criminal banks and their
government and media are advocating the same, trying to
rob the people blind.
All in the name of security, but one should ask:
Security for whom ?
FPF-fwd-HR
Press Release Source: Allen W. Smith
Social Security
Trust Fund Fraud May Become Bush's Watergate, Suggests
Author of 'The Looting of Social Security'
Tuesday February 1, 11:47 am ET
http://biz.yahoo.com/prnews/050201/fltu022_1.html
WINTER HAVEN, Fla., Feb. 1 /PRNewswire/ -- Economist and
author Allen W. Smith, Ph.D., argues that the biggest
obstacle to getting clear debate on the Social Security
problem is the misinformation that continues to be spread
by the AARP and others who argue that the trust fund
holds real assets. "It is amazing how many people,
including some Social Security experts, still just don't
get it!" Smith said. "Weisbrot and Baker
continue to spread the myth that, 'The Social Security
trust fund will have more than $3.7 trillion in today's
dollars in 2018.' Unless there is a change in policy, the
trust fund will not have even $1 of real assets in
2018!"
Smith points out that David Walker, Comptroller General
of the Government Accounting Office (GAO), while speaking
at a Washington luncheon, co-hosted by Centrists.Org and
the Alliance for Worker Retirement Security on January
21, 2005, said, "The left hand owes the right hand,
and that has legal, political and moral significance. But
it doesn't have any economic significance whatsoever.
There are no stocks or bonds or real estate in the trust
fund. It has nothing of real value to draw down."
"If the Comptroller General of the GAO says there is
'nothing of real value' in the trust fund, then there is
nothing of real value," Smith said. "So what
happened to the $3.7 trillion that so many people believe
will be in the trust fund in 2018, or the $1.6 trillion
that is supposed to already be in the trust fund today?
The government has 'borrowed' it and made no provision
for repayment of this debt."
The Social Security surplus generated by the 1983 payroll
tax increase was supposed to be used to pay down the
public debt. This would have been accomplished by
purchasing regular marketable Treasury bonds in the
financial markets. If this had been done, the trust fund
would contain real assets and it would be able to pay
full benefits until 2042. However, Smith maintains that
President George H.W. Bush began using the money as if it
were general revenue, and non-marketable special issue
government securities were issued. Smith says that
President Clinton continued this practice, so every cent
of the Social Security surplus that flowed in under both
Bush Senior and Clinton was spent. This misuse of Social
Security funds became a major campaign issue in 2000, and
both George W. Bush and Al Gore pledged to end the
looting. President Bush repeatedly promised not to touch
the Social Security money. Finally, in his first State of
the Union address, delivered on February 27, 2001, Bush
said, "To make sure the retirement savings of
America's seniors are not diverted to any other program,
my budget protects all $2.6 trillion of the Social
Security surplus for Social Security, and for Social
Security alone."
In casting their votes in the 2000 election, the American
people, whether they voted for Gore or for Bush, were
voting for a candidate who had solemnly pledged
repeatedly that no Social Security money would be used
for non-Social Security purposes. Smith argues that
George W. Bush violated both that pledge and federal law
when he spent every dollar of the $509 billion in Social
Security surplus that was generated during his first
term. "He continues to violate his pledge, and the
law, each and every day as he spends the approximately
$400 million in Social Security surplus that becomes
available on a daily basis," said Smith.
Smith argues that the Bush privatization proposal is a
Trojan horse to distract attention away from the looting
of Social Security money. According to Smith, "Bush
and Greenspan know that the government will face a major
financial crisis beginning in 2018 when Social Security
begins to run deficits, and the public discovers that
there is nothing of value in the trust fund." Smith
believes that "given the fact that Bush acknowledged
the looting problem during the 2000 campaign, and made a
solemn promise to the American people to end the
practice, his misuse of Social Security money is a
serious breach of the public trust," and Smith
suggests that historians may refer to Bush's misuse of
Social Security funds as "Bush's Watergate."
CONTACT: Barbara Rugel (863) 206-4431 or Allen W. Smith
(863) 206-4292;
email: ironwoodas@aol.com
Website: http://www.lootingsocialsecurity.com
Upcoming
Conference
Social Security: The Opportunity
for Real Reform
February 8 & 9, 2005
Cato Institute
1000 Massachusetts Ave
Washington, DC
Featuring Edward Prescott, Winner, 2004 Nobel Prize in
Economics; Martin Feldstein, George F. Baker Professor of
Economics, Harvard University; and Douglas Holtz-Eakin,
Director, Congressional Budget Office.
DERIVATIVES:
As of 9/30/04, JP
Morgan Chase had $43 trillion in derivatives,
which is about four times US GDP; Citigroup has
$17.5 trillion and Bank of America $17.1
trillion. Other trillion dollar players are
Wachovia and HSBC, Hong Kong Shanghai Bank Corp.
Twenty-five banks held $86.9 trillion in
derivatives. The collateralization for these
derivatives was only $804 billion.
For those unfamiliar with derivatives, they
are a form of insurance. Eighty-seven percent
of all derivatives were interest rate bets,
followed by foreign exchange bets of 9%. In the
past three years, banks' derivatives holding
increased by 25% and they have doubled since
2000. Since the end of 2000 derivatives have
soared $44 trillion or 108%, while assets have
grown only $2 trillion or 32% to $8.2 trillion,
loans have grown $1.1 trillion, or 28%, to $4.8
trillion and equity capital has grown $292
billion, or 55% to $821 billion. Thus,
derivatives are now ten times assets, 17 times
loans, and 103 times equity capital.
The real
danger of this massive bookmaking operation is
that it is entirely unregulated. It is a Ponzi
scheme. When the economy heads down and the
stock, bond and real estate markets follow, the
derivative house of cards will collapse. An
additional danger for banks is that they are
setting aside less and less capital for loan loss
reserves and as the economy comes unglued their
losses will mount more quickly. At the big
banks, charge-offs for bad loans have exceeded
provisions for the seventh quarter in a row and
the overall level of loan-loss reserves declined
for the fourth time in five quarters. The big
banks only covered 93% of their write-offs,
pocketing the difference as profits, which they
were not. Fifty-eight percent of recent
growth in equity capital was in good will, which
is worthless.
As you can
see, any sharp correction in the economy could
easily take the banking system down. It is purely
a scam built on derivatives that could very well
become worthless in a crisis. We have been
decrying the use of derivatives since the early
1990s, but we have been only one of a few voices
in the wilderness. Derivatives pose an
enormous risk to the welfare of the world
financial system, because of the unscrupulous
quest for banking profits at all costs. Even the
investment community is clueless to what is going
on in derivatives because the system remains
totally secret and unregulated.
Derivatives are
a terrible risk to the financial system and
almost everyone outside the banking and brokerage
industry do not know what they are or that they
even exist. Not only banks sell derivatives, they
are sold by brokerage houses, investment banks,
and insurance companies. You have not heard about
them and derivatives are the world's biggest
industry, worth more than $200 trillion. It is
a vast betting and bookmaking network for
corporate gamblers used as a means to
exponentially increase profits. Once markets
begin their descent, these derivatives will come
unraveled causing a paralysis of the entire
banking system. Derivatives will be the icing on
the cake. They will exacerbate financial turmoil,
unemployment increases will be compounded and
pensions will evaporate. Of course, Bush and Blair
will try to blame a terrorist, someone who caused
it all with an Arabic name who is involved in New
York or London. Derivatives are truly
financial weapons of mass destruction. Our
message is clear; we are in terrible financial
danger. The only way you can protect your
financial assets is to be in gold and silver
related assets. If you are not, you will be
financially doomed.
Robert Chapman / International
Forecaster |
How involved in
this Reform movement is Govt. Profit?:
Privatizing the Social Security
Trust Fund?
Don't Let the Government Invest.....
by Krzysztof M. Ostaszewski
Krzysztof M. Ostaszewski,
the 1995 Fulbright Research Fellow in the area of social
insurance, is the actuarial program director at the
University of Louisville. He is a member of the Social
Security Committee of the American Society of Actuaries.
Executive Summary
Given Social Security's dire
financial condition, there is growing interest in
attempting to harness the power of private capital
markets to bail out the faltering system. However,
despite its surface attractiveness, allowing the
government to invest funds from the Social Security trust
fund in private capital markets would be a terrible
mistake that would have severe consequences for the U.S.
economy.
It is easy to see why this
approach has appeal. The trust fund is currently
"invested" in government bonds. Allowing this
money to be invested instead in private capital markets
would appear to give the trust fund an opportunity
to earn a much higher rate of return. Using this return
to fill in some of the gap between future revenues and
benefits would reduce the need for future tax increases
or benefit cuts.
In reality, however, this
approach is fraught with danger. Allowing the government
to invest the trust fund in private capital markets would
amount to the "socialization" of a large
portion of the U.S. economy. The federal government would
become the nation's largest shareholder, with a
controlling interest in nearly every American company.
Government ownership brings with it serious problems of
government control and is a threat to the efficiency and
competitiveness of the U.S. economy.
Moreover, experience in other
countries has shown that government investments seldom
achieve the rates of return seen in private investment.
Attempts by the government to manipulate the markets
could further undermine returns and threaten general
market stability.
A much better approach would be
to let individuals invest their own retirement money
through true privatization. A system of individual
private investment accounts, like that in Chile, would
allow people to benefit from higher market returns
without risking increased government involvement in the
economy.
Possible Options
but remove Gore's name with Bush and remember Bush needs
money to fight his wars:
Social Security or
Environmental Socialism?
by Patrick J. Michaels
Patrick J. Michaels is
senior fellow in environmental studies at Cato Institute
and science advisor to the Greening Earth Society in
Arlington, Virginia.
Let's stipulate that President
Clinton, who has proposed investing Social Security trust
fund money in the stock market, really won't have
anything to do with it. He'll be out of office long
before anything of the sort will happen. Rather,
responsibility for implementing the plan would go to Vice
President Gore, should he get the promotion he's been
angling for. And how do you suppose he'll do it?
Would Gore take the advice of
Jesse Jackson? Recently, Jackson told the House Ways and
Means Committee that the federal government should use
its ownership of stocks as a vehicle for furthering noble
goals. Such investment could be used, Jackson suggested,
against tobacco companies or folks who "poison the
environment."
The amount of cash that would be
at federal disposal (roughly 5 percent of the current
valuation of all commonly traded equities) would allow
purchase of a controlling interest in just about any
company. As principal stockholder, the government could
then vote, say hypothetically, a coal company out of
existence. Or it could make it halt mining activity and
start producing windmills. It could then subsidize that
wildly inefficient and unreliable way of producing
electricity to the point of putting coal-fired utilities
out of business. The possibilities are endless and
require little imagination.
Would the vice
president like to do that? In his 1992 bestseller, Earth
in the Balance he wrote (on page 272 of my paperback
edition) that protecting the environment and stopping
global warming should be the "central organizing
principle of our civilization." On the next page he
tells us what that means:
"Adopting a central
organizing principle
means embarking on an all
out effort to use every policy and program, every law
and institution, every treaty and alliance, every
tactic and strategy, every plan and course of action
to halt the destruction of the
environment."
Well, if writing a bill to
invest Social Security funds in the stock market isn't a
"policy," a "program," a
"law" applied to an "institution," a
"tactic," and/or a "strategy," I
don't know what it is. And if the "central
organizing principle" doesn't apply here, well,
where on God's getting-greener (thanks to carbon dioxide
and global warming) earth does it?
On page 320 of the same volume,
Gore gives us the plan. It includes "tax incentives
for new technologies." President Clinton proposed
some of those to fight global warming in his recent State
of the Union speech.
Gore also proposes
"bans" on "research and development"
involving "old technologies." There's certainly
no constitutional way for the government to prevent
someone from doing research (we presume Mr. Gore, having
spent a little time in law school, has some grasp of the
Constitution's protections) on, say, coal-fired
electricity production, so he must have another mechanism
in mind. Like maybe a little pressure from the principal
stockholder in our hypothetical coal company.
Three lines later, he says that
the government should create "the promise of large
profits in a market certain to emerge as older
technologies are phased out." How does one do that?
First, have the big federal stockholder tell all those
energy companies to stop doing research on product
development (i.e., to go out of business). Now that we've
gotten rid of hypothetical coal companies, who is left to
produce electricity? Whomever they are -- natural gas
people, windmillers or whatever -- they'll now be de
facto guaranteed huge profits because the competition was
just forced out of business.
The fact is that 56 percent of
this nation's electricity is currently produced by the
combustion of coal. That's up several percent in recent
decades, mainly because coal is cheap, abundant and can
now be burned very cleanly. About the only emission that
comes out of the newest plants is carbon dioxide, the
cause of dreaded global warming.
What kind of political support
might an investment program to get rid of coal enjoy? For
decades, the competing, but more expensive, power
sources, such as natural gas, nuclear and solar, have
sought to find a way to commandeer a chunk of coal's 56
percent of the energy pie. They'll be out PAC-ing for the
Social Security investment bill in less time than it took
Mr. Gore to write the words "promise of large
profits."
The only losers will be everyone
else, forced to pay more for electricity by a government
that now has been granted the power, in one fell swoop,
to do whatever it pleases to whomever it wants.
Comments on reform
still relevant today:
The Stock Market and Social
Security Reform
by Andrew G. Biggs
Andrew
Biggs is a
Social Security analyst at the Cato Institute and a
former staff member of the President's Commission to
Strengthen Social Security.
Does a falling stock market mean
the end of efforts to add personal accounts to Social
Security? It shouldn't. Today's stock market presents a
good test for personal accounts. And despite the gloating
of critics as market indicators fall, accounts pass that
test with flying colors.
Imagine you were offered the
following deal: You could invest part of your Social
Security taxes in a personal retirement account, similar
to an IRA or 401(k). However, your account could hold
nothing but stocks. You couldn't diversify to bonds or
other stable investments as you aged. Making matters
worse, you would retire during the biggest bear market
since the Great Depression, with the S&P 500 stock
index falling from 1500 in April to 900 today.
It sounds like a sucker's bet,
but I would take it in a minute. Because even in a market
tailor-made for opponents of reform, personal accounts
would pay substantially higher retirement benefits than
the current Social Security program while giving workers
ownership and control over their savings. Barring
Armageddon, you can't lose.
Stock returns have averaged 7
percent after inflation throughout American history. Even
after the recent market drop, a worker retiring today and
holding only stocks would have received about 6 percent
annual returns, far above the 2.5 percent return an
average couple can expect from Social Security (even
after including all survivors and disability benefits).
Higher rates of return, compounded over decades, could
double or even triple a worker's retirement nest egg.
One reason personal accounts can
weather market downturns is time: However bad the
market's recent performance, a worker retiring today
would have begun investing in the late 1950s, when the
Dow Jones index resided at one-tenth its current value.
Over periods of 20 years the stock market has never once
lost money, a boast supposedly "safe"
government bonds cannot make. Even a worker retiring in
1933, in the depths of the Great Depression, would have
received a 4 percent real average return.
Even so, today's stock market is
scary. That's why most workers diversify as they age.
According to a 2000 study, a typical worker in his 60s
has only 40 percent of his assets in stocks. Such a
worker would have lost just 3.25 percent last year, since
bond prices rose while stocks fell. Low-wage workers, who
hold smaller portions of their holdings in stocks, would
actually have made money last year. That's the power of
diversification.
Finally, personal accounts would
be voluntary. No worker is forced to take an account, and
no worker with an account is forced to invest even a
penny in the stock market. Under plans from the
President's Commission to Strengthen Social Security, all
workers over age 55 would remain in the current system
and receive every penny they're promised. Current and
near-retirees have nothing to fear from reform, while
younger workers would finally have a choice.
It's that element of choice,
control, and ownership that keeps Americans supporting
personal accounts even when the politicians and pundits
get the jitters. A Zogby International poll conducted for
the Cato Institute July 8-12 - a period when the Dow
Jones Industrials Index fell almost 700 points - shows 68
percent of likely voters supporting voluntary personal
accounts. That's up from 54 percent support in July 1999,
when the Dow was almost 25 percent higher than today.
Despite the market, 55 percent
of working-age voters think personal accounts are less
risky than the current system, which can remain solvent
only with substantial tax increases or benefit
reductions. By a two-to-one margin, likely voters think
the lesson of the Enron scandal is that workers need more
control over their retirement savings, including personal
accounts for Social Security -- not that markets are
dangerous and that accounts shouldn't be allowed.
Individual control is a recurring theme: Voters cited it
as the main reason for favoring personal accounts, even
over higher benefits and the ability to pass on the
account to their heirs.
An idea shows its strength when
times seem the toughest. For a proposal to let workers
invest part of their Social Security taxes in the stock
market, these would seem to be tough times. But even
today, personal accounts would increase Americans'
retirement income. And even today, Americans support
them.
Social Security reform opponents
crow that personal accounts would have lost billions in
the last four years. What they don't mention is how much
workers would have gained over the past 40 years. Not
just in dollars, but in control, ownership and personal
security.
Other Concerns,
Community and Low Paid Workers:
Community Toolkit Cato
Institute 2005
Our country is about to embark
on a great and important debate: how to reform Social
Security, the largest government program in the world.
Reform and restructuring is required to enable this
federal program to provide each one of us with the
benefits for which it was created back in 1935. Because
the fact is, a change in the demographics of our country
is necessitating significant restructuring of this
mammoth contributory program or it will go broke by 2018,
just 14 years away. Simply put, the system's finances are
not sustainable as it is currently designed, which means
our citizens will not get the benefits they expect.
Spin
In Cato's Community
Leaders Guide to Social Security Reform, you will
find many answers to questions that you may have been
asking about this issue, or have heard from your
associates or constituencies. You will find an exciting,
viable alternative to our current system, one that has
been adopted by several other countries-personal
accounts. It is an alternative that addresses the
financial weaknesses inherent in the current system. And,
it also offers us a chance to amend the inequities that
have historically existed within the Social Security
system that unfairly penalized workingwomen, divorcees,
African Americans, and younger Americans. A new system is
possible that includes ownership of retirement dollars
for every American citizen and the opportunity to pass
that individual wealth on to their children.
The Impact of Social Security
Reform on Low-Income Workers
by Jagadeesh Gokhale
Jagadeesh Gokhale is a
senior economic adviser with the Federal Reserve Bank of
Cleveland. The opinions expressed herein are those of the
author and do not necessarily represent the views of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland or of the Federal
Reserve System.
Executive Summary
Because the poor are
disproportionately dependent on Social Security for their
retirement income, they will be among those most affected
by any reform of the troubled retirement program.
Traditional reforms, such as raising taxes or cutting
benefits, will leave low-income workers worse off.
However, allowing workers to save and invest a portion of
their Social Security taxes in individual accounts may
avoid or offset potential benefit cuts, without
increasing taxes.
Spin
Equally important, individual
accounts may provide an opportunity to address some of
the other problems with the current Social Security
system, in particular its impact on wealth accumulation,
the intergenerational transfer of wealth, and the
inequality of wealth in America.
Poor households currently save very little and therefore
own almost no financial wealth at retirement. As a
result, the distribution of bequeathable wealth among
retirees in the United States is highly unequal. There is
strong evidence that Social Security may be contributing
to that inequality. In contrast, a system of individual
accounts would allow workers to accumulate real and
bequeathable wealth, leading ultimately to greater
overall equality of wealth. Social Security privatization
therefore becomes the truly progressive option for
reform.
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