THE HANDSTAND

march 2005

Palestine Reports

By Amira Hass
Bitterlemons-International.org
14 February 2005

The only logical way to read the Sharm al-Sheikh summit is in accordance with the recommendation of Ariel Sharon: "only actions and not words--this is the only way to attain the vision of two states". We must judge by facts on the ground and not by the verbal promises that were disseminated. If this lesson has not been learned from the Oslo years with their stream of promises of peace and prosperity for two states,
then why waste words?

The summit produced an admission of fatigue on the part of both sides, however asymmetrical they are--fatigue from the bloodletting. The summit itself featured an attempt at chumminess (Sharon inviting himself to Ramallah, joking with Abu Ala about the fence at Abu Dis, etc.) that created the appearance of parity between two equal antagonists who promise from herein to behave themselves. But the moment mortar shells began falling on the Qatif Bloc, we returned to the language of "you'll be sorry" and the clank of tank treads. These admonitions brought us back to the summit's real point of departure in Israeli eyes: the Palestinians are the aggressors; they started it. Abu Mazen rose to the challenge. He knows that the weak Palestinian position requires him to act like the aggressor who now regrets his act.

Yet just because this is the impression enforced by Israeli superiority doesn't make it right. The brutal, violent gap between the promises of Oslo that the "occupation was over" and the reality experienced by the Palestinians--of ever tighter Israeli control, direct and indirect, over their lives and their chances to progress and develop--is what ignited the "second intifada". If we now achieve a temporary calm due to fatigue
on both sides without eliminating the cause--the Israeli occupation of the entire West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip--no one can predict when that calm will end. But it will. And so will the calm to follow.

Sometimes the absence of a reply points to the reply. From July 2005 the Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem, carriers of Israeli IDs, will no longer be permitted to enter Ramallah. That is when construction will be completed on the wall and the Erez-type passage at Kalandia, deep inside Palestinian territory. Only those who obtain an entry permit (and experience teaches us how difficult that is) will be permitted to pass. I asked the Prime Minister's Office and the IDF whether this doesn't contradict two developments: first, permission for residents of East Jerusalem to vote in the elections for the head of the Palestinian Authority, and second, the possibility of calm and a return to final status negotiations. I received no answer.

That silence tells us, just as the bulldozers and the soldiers who already prevent Jerusalem Palestinians from traveling to Ramallah tell us, that Israel is following her plan: East Jerusalem will be separated from Ramallah, and of course from Bethlehem. Only if those bulldozers cease working immediately, if the soldiers immediately stop preventing East Jerusalemites from passing through Kalandia, will we know that the government of Israel seeks calm; that it is prepared to cease the violence of its arrogance and domination.

According to media reports, Israel rejected the Palestinian demand (demand? the Palestinians can demand something?) to remove the roadblocks put up during the past four years. The message is clear: the party that does not intend to cease building settlements cannot remove roadblocks. After all, they are intended to ensure the safety of the settlers and of ongoing settlement expansion. Thus only if all the roadblocks and checkpoints are removed and the West Bank roads cease to be strictly for Jews, will we know that Israel wants calm.

Sharon talked at the summit of "two states". Just like the Communist Party of Israel and the Sheli Party more than 30 years ago. But when you look at what is happening on the ground, you realize that this is not a matter of two states for two peoples but rather of 11 states: the state of Israel, and alongside and within it the states of Gaza, Hebron, Bethlehem, Ramallah, Jericho, Tulkarm, Qalqilya, Salfit, Nablus, and Jenin. Each of these states is separated from the others by growing Jewish territorial contiguity: a network of expanding settlements, separate, highly developed and enticing road, electricity and water infrastructure for Jews only, military emplacements, and permanent and mobile checkpoints.

Judging by the facts on the ground today, the biggest compromise that Israel under Sharon will accept is in the number of Palestinian states, e.g., seven instead of 11.
-
Published 14/2/2005
bitterlemons.org
Amira Hass has been the Haaretz correspondent in the occupied territories since 1993.


Hungry people and grapes rotting on the vines

Art Gish

Hebron, 11 February, 2005


There is a story in the Bible of Moses sending spies into the land of Canaan.  When the spies got to Hebron, they found bunches of grapes so big it took two people to carry them.

I was reminded of this story as I recently visited Palestinian grape farmers in the Beqa'a valley just east of Hebron.  I was horrified to see tons and tons of grapes rotting on the vines.  This was especially disgusting since these Hebron grapes are the most delicious grapes I have ever eaten.

Eighty percent of the grapes in the Beqa'a were never harvested this past
year.  But why are those first class, big bunches of grapes rotting on the vines?  The answer is simple.  The Israeli government prohibited those grapes from getting to the markets where people were eager to buy those famous Hebron grapes.

In the past, those grapes were sent to Jordan, Gaza, the northern part of the West Bank, and Israel.  This year all those markets were closed due to a political decision by the Israeli government.  The Israelis military closed roads, imposed curfews, and prohibited Israeli juice companies from buying Hebron grapes.

This was a great loss for the Palestinians, probably twenty five million dollars just in the Hebron District.  In the Beqa'a Valley, between one and two hundred thousand dollars were lost, plus all the costs of producing those grapes in the first place.  This is economic terrorism.


grapevine terraces Hebron
One farmer I knew in the Beqa'a shipped 20 tons of grapes to Nablus. Because the Israeli military closed roads, the grapes sat for four days in the hot sun.  The farmer received a little over 200 dollars for those 20 tons of grapes: not enough to pay for the transport.  My friend died of a heart attack this past fall after this tragedy.

All those grapes rotting on the vines are only part of the story. Palestinians can no longer grow grapes in the huge areas of confiscated vineyards (500 acres in the Beqa'a alone), in the demolished vineyards, and in the vineyards that have been killed by settlers spraying herbicides on the grape vines.

Grapes rotting on the vines are part of a concerted effort of the Israeli government to impoverish the Palestinian people.  Because of loss of income, because of farmers not being able to produce food, malnutrition rates are rising among the Palestinians.  At the same time as the international
community is increasing food assistance to the Palestinians, the Israeli government is preventing the Palestinians from feeding themselves.




Yesterday afternoon three settlers of Maon settlement in the West Bank  verbally assaulted and threatened Palestinian shepherds from the nearby villages south of Hebron.

One of the shepherds reported that he was beaten by a settler. Another Shepherd told us he was threatened. "I know who you are and where you live and if I see you here again I will come to your home
and kill you."

Italian volunteers of Operation Dove, a project of an Italian Catholic Association, ran to the scene and tried to speak with the settlers but were accused both of being liars and of helping the Palestinians steal the land that God has given to the Jewish people.

These events occurred on Palestinian property which is not under military restriction. 

According to the Oslo Agreements the Israeli government has full control and this area. In the past few days, Palestinian shepherds have been chased and threatened by the
settlers of Maon as they grazed sheep on their own property. These Palestinian shepherd have been subject to such violence, including beatings, shootings, and assaults, for many years without the intervention of the Israeli authorities.  Consequently, the Palestinian inhabitants of this area have asked for an international presence to reduce the level of violence in the area.

Two weeks ago, two volunteers from Operation Dove, including an American, were also given a death threat by a settler from Maon settlement as they accompanied shepherds in their fields.


In October 2004, an Italian volunteer of Operation Dove was beaten by settlers of Maon while he accompanied children as they walked to school.  In September 2004, two American volunteers of the Christian Peacemaker Teams were beaten and hospitalized by
settlers from Maon as they accompanied children who were walking to school.

Operation Dove - Nonviolent Peace Corps of the Association of Pope John XXIII Community
Italian office:  0039 541 751498
operazione.colomba@apg23.org
www.operazionecolomba.org

UPDATE:Barbara Martens
February 16, 2005.
At 11:00 a.m. today while CPTer Dianna Zimmerman and an Operation Dove (OD) team member were accompanying shepherds on their own land above At-Tuwani, near the Ma'on Settler Outpost,  two settlers accosted them,. One stood with his gun aimed at Zimmerman while she engaged the other in dialogue. When the army came the settlers left.

Shortly thereafter CPTer Sally Hunsburger, and 2 OD members appeared over the crest of the hill from herding in the direction of Tuba.  Settlers reappeared, noticed the video camera and attacked the 2 OD team members. One is admitted to hospital with a head injury from the karate chop in the head. He has short term memory loss, and blurred vision. The injuries of the second person seem less, and are unknown at this time. Hunsberger, witness to the whole attack was not injured.
--------------------------------
Christian Peacemaker Teams is an ecumenical initiative to support violence reduction efforts around the
world. 
***

Land grab during the conference
At the very time that
Palestinians as well as Israelis were listening to the ceremonious speeches broadcast live from Sharm-a-Sheik, Israeli military officers arrived at the tiny Palestinian village of Twane in the South Hebron Hills, on the southern edge of the West Bank.

The confiscation order they delivered, numbered 16/05/t and signed by the commander of Israeli forces on the West Bank, decreed that a  parcel of the (far from plentiful) Twane land would henceforward become the property of the Israeli army,  with all rights over this land to be vested in "The Real Estate Officer at the IDF Central Command Headquarters". This act was justified as being "needed for military needs, due to the special security circumstances prevailing in the region and the need to take unavidable steps in order to prevent terrorist attacks".

No specific details were given - the army might provide them when the matter gets to the Supreme Court, or plead a "need to keep the evidence secret" even there. Adv. Shlomo Leker of Jerusalem, who represented the people of Twane during numerous previous attempts to expell them or confiscate their land,  believes that the order is aimed at extending
the nearby Israeli settlement of Ma'on, whose inhabitants on numerous occasions used violence against the Palestinian villagers.  In general Adv. Leker noted that, while everybody's attention is directed to the Gaza Redeployment, all over the West Bank the land grab is going on at a pace which he never experienced in his long career of confrnting land confiscations in the courts.

When asked to comment by
Yossi Gurevitz of the Nana News website, the IDF
Spokesman answered: "Such a village does not exist". 





War Of Attrition in the West Bank by Sarah IWPS
International Women's Peace Service: 11 February 2005

At the end of last year a young man from an agricultural village in the West Bank was issued an order to appear before the Shabak for an unspecified reason. He did not go.

In the first month of 2005 the youth was passing through a check point and was arrested. We were in the village on the day that he was arrested and spoke to some of his friends. They were not surprised and some spoke as if this was to be expected, and yet we knew how upset they actually were. They all went to visit his family in the evening and on walking in discovered that he had returned.

Their joy however was unmistakably mixed with fear and the knowledge that this was not the end of the Shabak's involvement with this family. The youth had been beaten in the back of the jeep and had spent two hours in the police station before being released. He had walked for an hour towards his village before managing to hitch a ride the rest of the way.

He had been issued with a further order to appear before the Shabak the following week. He was determined not to go but was also aware that if he did not go there was the possibility that the army would come to his village and invade his family's home, terrorizing his younger sisters and brothers and his mother.

We had the opportunity to speak with this young man about his experience and the very real threat many villagers face in his situation of being forced into compliance with the Israeli Authority. I had not realized before how powerful a weapon this sort
of tactic would be and although we knew how delicate the conversation would have to be, felt that this young man would be willing to share his thoughts on his position.
"This is true for some people," he said, "But for those who are weak.

Not weak on the outside; perhaps they are very strong and can fight and throw stones a long way, but I mean weak on the inside. I am not weak."

The bus interrupted our first conversation with him on this subject but he came back to us the following day and said: "Yesterday you asked me a question, but I want you to understand that a man who falls before the Shabak sells his country." And I could see how hateful this thought was to him.

The following week this youth visited us on the day he was to go to the Shabak. He was very quiet and I could only imagine how afraid he actually must have been. All day his friends awaited his return and I saw his mother carrying her ten-month old baby around as she stoically continued her daily chores. Many of the village mothers
greeted her and I thought how each one of them must be suffering with her, how each one of them must daily fear that their sons will be picked up like hers was, and will suddenly have his name on some secret list that until the Occupation is over will make living an ordinary life impossible. I thought how many of them actually had sons serving ridiculous sentences in some prison that they could not visit and I found myself in a terrible state of tension throughout the day.

In the late afternoon the young man returned and walked into the room where we and his friends were passing the time playing cards. There was such a feeling of relief as we saw him enter and heard him quietly greeting everyone and then he announced to us that he must return to the Shabak next week for another interview. Then I realized how endless this process would be. We could be relieved that he had returned this day, and maybe again next week and the week after that, but this was nothing, his family would be facing the same threat for the next month and the following month, and for years to come.

Perhaps a time would come when he would refuse to play the Shabak's game any longer and to retain his own sense of dignity would not go to their office. Then what would happen? He would become a `wanted Man' and the army could justify an invasion of his home and the arrest of him.

How often do we read the words: `army invades a village in the West Bank and conducts military searchers of houses known to shelter men wanted by the Israeli Authority'? "Army Invades" means the terrorizing of a whole village and the shooting with rubber bullets and with live ammunition of women and children (and Internationals) sheltering on the rooftops. "Conducts Military Searches" means entering a family home and ransacking it, putting bullets through every wall and window and braking every dish and glass in the house.

And what does "Looking for Wanted Men" mean? How many of these men were made to be "wanted" because they could not play the Israeli game? How many of these were "wanted" because they had no other way to resist the occupation than by staying true to their Falastiin?

Two days after the youth came back to his home we received news from a woman that we knew in the village that her brother was taken in the middle of the night. He was one of these wanted men. He had been `sold-out' by a village collaborator and now his fight to free his Falastiin was over. I had met him twice in the past and while it is not appropriate to write much about him I was both times struck by his composure and dignity although he was once covered in mud and both times had spent nights on the run. One of his brothers had been killed, the other at 16 years bore terrible scars from shooting, one sister was blinded by a bullet of the army. Was it a wonder that this young man had taken arms to fight an army that had so
tortured him?

And now as I write I know that he has spent the first 24 hrs of his imprisonment in some unidentified jail and that he is wondering as I am which of his own country men could have done this to him. Had they been hreatened as our first young man had been and had they failed to resist the pressure of so massive a force as the Israeli Authority is? Or what other pressures and thoughts tormented them and motivated them to turn upon their own people?

These questions have been haunting me for the past days, and last night with the thought of this mans imprisonment, I could not sleep at all. Is collaboration within the Palestinian Society so strong that it will in the end undermine the whole process of resistance or is it, by its very nature, a force that in the end will fail?

At the moment I can not answer this question, as I hear the world proclaiming the Truce and the Handshake I think of the issues that are so vital to the Palestinian people and that are not being addressed. Of the thousands of prisoners that are being held and interrogated and punished for crimes that they have not committed, of the thousands of young men made to visit the Shabak week after week until they are forced to comply with the Israeli Authority or are made into `wanted men' and so will have to live out their years on the run or in prison, of the women and men who `disappear' and leave their friends and relatives despondent of ever seeing them again, and of course the building of the accursed Wall that will make traveling in the West Bank worse than it already is and will economically devastate an already too poor country.

Are these really the ingredients of a viable peace? Or even of a truce that will give the people a time to assess their position in all this? Do the Palestinians have one moment to think when they are faced with checkpoint harassments and roadblocks and arrests and invasions every single day?

The young man will return to the Shabak next week and the week after and one day he will just not return to his home or maybe they will forget about him. The man arrested 24 hours ago will be tried in some closed military court and no one will know what happens to him and his family will be left to mourn the loss of yet another one of its members, and the Worlds Eye will be focused elsewhere: On big meetings and major catastrophes, on economic politics and sporting events, and it will continue to ignore the small and personal tragedies that combine to make this struggle in Falastiin so heart-braking and so immense.