THE HANDSTAND

MARCH 2003

 
Powell-Blair Iraq Dossier

By Jeffrey Steinberg
Executive Intelligence Review
www.LaRouchePub.com/eiw
2-18-3

According to media accounts, the 10 Downing Street "dossier," cited favorably by U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell in his disastrous Feb. 5 report to the United Nations Security Council, was plagiarized from an American graduate school paper, based on information more than a decade old. The scandal that erupted when the Blair dossier hoax hit the press, seriously undermined the credibility of those war party advocates of an immediate Anglo-American invasion of Iraq.
 
So far, so good. But a deeper probe into the scandal reveals that there was good reason that the spin-meisters at the Coalition Information Center--the Washington-London civilian government propaganda unit that crafted both the Blair dossier and major portions of Secretary Powell's own lighter-than-air book of evidence--did not reveal the sources of their information.
 
The essential facts are as follows: Two days before Powell's UN appearance, 10 Downing Street issued a 16-page paper, "Iraq: Its Infrastructure of Concealment, Deception, and Intimidation," purportedly based on high-level British intelligence data. In fact, at least 11 of the 16 pages were lifted, verbatim, from an Israeli journal, {Middle East Review of International Affairs}, whose sole proprieter is Dr. Barry Rubin, an American-born Israeli citizen. The 11 pages were drawn from two articles, by Ibrahim al-Marashi and Robert Rabil, that appeared in the September 2002 edition of that journal.
 
Al-Marashi's article, a profile of Iraqi intelligence, was drawn, largely, from Iraqi government documents confiscated during the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Al-Marashi, in turn, heavily footnoted his article to other, earlier stories published in Rubin's obscure online journal, by Amazia Baram, the journal's deputy editor.
 
This was no bit of grammar school plagiarism. The public relations team that put together the Blair and Powell propaganda were themselves linked to Rubin and his fellow Israeli pranksters, through Ahmed Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress (INC).
 
Chalabi, University of Chicago protege of the late utopian Albert Wohlstetter, was adopted as the Iraqi oppositionist-of-choice by Israeli "X Committee" agent and chairman of the Defense Policy Board Richard Perle and his British Arab Bureau handler, Dr. Bernard Lewis, in the 1980s.
 
RUBIN AND THE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
 
Rubin issued a statement following the Downing Street dossier flap, taking full credit for the cooked intelligence report. His only complaint was that, while the Blair government apologized to Al-Marashi, they did not issue a similar public statement of regret to him and his journal.
 
To have done so would have been suicidal, as a quick review of Rubin's pedigree makes clear.
 
According to three current biographies, Prof. Barry Rubin is the deputy director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies in Israel, and a senior fellow at Hebrew University's Harry Truman Center and Haifa University's Jewish-Arab Center. He is the director of the Global Research in International Affairs Center, research director of the Lauder School of Government Policy and Diplomacy, and a senior fellow at the International Center for Counterterrorist Policy (ICT)--all of which are part of the Interdisciplinary Center, Israel's first private university, in Herzliya.
 
The Lauder School was named after Ronald Lauder, the former Reagan Ambassador to Austria, former president of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, soon-to-be-successor of Edgar Bronfman Sr. as head of the World Jewish Congress, and a financier of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
 
Another publicly listed associate of the ICT is Maj. Gen. Meir Dagan, the current head of the Mossad.
 
Rubin, a transplanted Israeli citizen, still spends a good deal of time in the United States. On Feb. 4, he was one of the speakers at a Willard Hotel luncheon in Washington sponsored by Eleana Benador Associates, a New York City public relations firm. Among the other speakers with Rubin were Benador clients Perle, former UN weapons inspector Richard Spertzel, and former Iraqi weapons scientist Khidhir Hamza.
 
Rubin is also the chief Middle East columnist for Conrad Black's Hollinger Corp.-owned {Jerusalem Post}, and a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), the think-tank spawn of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), the official Israel lobby in America.
 
Typical of Rubin's prolific writings was a Dec. 3, 2002 Op-Ed in the {Wall Street Journal}, entitled "Sharon the Centrist?" The article celebrated Sharon's Likud party primary victory over Netanyahu, and assailed both Netanyahu and the Labor Party candidate, Gen. Amram Mitzna, whom Rubin labelled an apologist for the Yasser Arafat whom he termed an unrepentant terrorist.
THE COALITION INFORMATION CENTER
 
It takes two to tango. The Blair dossier and the Powell UN speech, were both largely the work of the Coalition Information Center (CIC), an Anglo-American government propaganda unit set up to counter opposition to the U.S. bombing of Afghanistan, and later transformed into a permanent shared venture of the White House and 10 Downing Street.
 
  RENSE.COM By Jeffrey Steinberg, Executive Intelligence Review. www.LaRouchePub.com/eiw

For those of you who read the Handstand's Feb. Issue article on Sanctions in Iraq, this excerpt from Media-Lens analyses will be of interest: Blair has changed his stated justification for waging war on Iraq at least five times:
1. Proven Iraqi complicity in the September 11 attacks.
2. Iraqi refusal to readmit UN weapons inspectors.
3. Discovery of undeclared Iraqi WMD by weapons inspectors.
4. Proven Iraqi links with terrorist organisations.
5. Iraqi failure to be sufficiently 'proactive' in cooperating with UN
weapons inspectors (regardless of whether WMD are found).

To this list must now be added a sixth, 'moral' argument. In a recent speech Blair said:

"But the moral case against war has a moral answer: it is the moral case for removing Saddam... Yes, there are consequences of war. If we remove Saddam by force, people will die, and some will be innocent. And we must live with the consequences of our actions, even the unintended ones. But there are also consequences of 'stop the war'. There will be no march for the victims of Saddam, no protests about the thousands of children that die needlessly every year under his rule, no righteous anger over the torture chambers which if he is left in power, will remain in being..." ('The price of my conviction', The Observer, February 16, 2003)

One might almost imagine that Blair's latest resort to a 'moral' case is an attempt at black humour. In reality there have of course been any number of protests about "the thousands of children that die needlessly every year" in Iraq. We at Media Lens have ourselves participated in demonstrations outside Downing Street. Moreover, these protests have been directed not at the Iraqi regime but at the British government.

Blair's mention of needless Iraqi deaths is a reference to the mass death of children under sanctions reported by the UN, human rights groups and aid agencies. In a recent Newsnight interview Blair argued that "because of the way he [Saddam] implements those sanctions" they are "actually a pretty brutal policy against the Iraqi people". (BBC2, Newsnight Special, February
6, 2003)

Though you wouldn't know it from the media's response to Blair's claim, this assertion has been dismissed by the very people who set up and ran the sanctions programme in Iraq. To glance even briefly at the facts is to find that Blair is once again employing his favoured strategy - passionately 'sincere' truth reversal.

Editors MediaLens editor@medialens.org


MEMORANDUM

From: Thomas H. Nelson

Re: Crimes Cognizable under the Treaty of Rome

This memorandum summarizes the crimes cognizable under the Treaty of Rome.

I. Types of Crimes: Article 5

Article t of the Treat of Rome establishes four types of crimes within the jurisdiction of

the International Criminal Court ("Court"). They are:

The crime of Genocide;

Crimes Against Humanity;

War Crimes, and

The Crime of Aggression.

The Crime of Aggression is not yet defined; Genocide, Crimes Against Humanity, and War

Crimes are defined in the Treaty.

II. Genocide: Article 6

"Genocide" is defined as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy,

in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:"

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated

to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;