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honduras: the rundownJune 29, 2009 Coup dEtat
underway in Honduras On Sunday morning President Zelaya of Honduras was kidnapped by soldiers at gunpoint and a coup took place. This was bad news for the millions of Hondurans who were preparing to vote that day for the first time on a consultative referendum concerning the future convening of a constitutional assembly to reform the constitution. Supposedly at the center of the controversary is the scheduled referendum, which is not a binding vote but merely an opinion poll to determine whether or not a majority of Hondurans desire to eventually enter into a process to modify their constitution. Such an initiative has never taken place in the Central American nation, which has a very limited constitution that allows minimal participation by the people of Honduras in their political processes. The current constitution, written in 1982 during the height of the Reagan Administrations dirty war in Central America, was designed to ensure those in power, both economic and political, would retain it with little interference from the people. Zelaya, elected in Nov 2005 on the platform of Honduras Liberal Party, had proposed the opinion poll be conducted to determine if a majority of citizens agreed that constitutional reform was necessary. He was backed by a majority of labor unions and social movements in the country. If the poll had occurred, depending on the results, a referendum would have been conducted during the upcoming elections in November to vote on convening a constitutional assembly. Nevertheless, todays scheduled poll was not binding by law. Several days before the poll was to occur, Honduras Supreme Court ruled it illegal, upon request by the Congress, both of which are led by anti-Zelaya majorities and members of the ultra-conservative party, National Party of Honduras. This move led to massive protests in the streets in favor of Zelaya. On Jun 24, the president fired the head of the high military command, Gen. Vásquez, after he refused to allow the military to distribute the electoral material for Sundays elections. Gen. Vásquez held the material under tight military control, refusing to release it even to the presidents followers, stating that the scheduled referendum had been determined illegal by the Supreme Court and therefore he could not comply with the presidents order. As in the US, the president of Honduras is Commander in Chief and has the final say on the militarys actions, and so he ordered the Generals removal. Minister of Defense Orellana, also resigned in response to this increasingly tense situation. But the following day, Honduras Supreme Court reinstated Gen. Vásquez to the high military command, ruling his firing as unconstitutional. Thousands poured into the streets of Honduras capital, Tegucigalpa, showing support for Zelaya and evidencing their determination to ensure Sundays non-binding referendum would take place. On Friday, the president and a group of hundreds of supporters marched to the nearby air base to collect the electoral material that had been previously held by the military. That evening, Zelaya gave a national press conference along with a group of politicians from different political parties and social movements, calling for unity and peace in the country. On Saturday, the situation in Honduras was reported as calm. But early Sunday morning, a group of approximately 60 armed soldiers entered the presidential residence and took Zelaya hostage. After several hours of confusion, reports surfaced claiming the president had been taken to a nearby air force base and flown to neighboring Costa Rica. Zelayas wife said that in early hours of Sunday morning, soldiers stormed their residence, firing shots throughout the house, beating and then taking the president. Reports coming out of Honduras have said that the public television channel has been shut down by the coup forces. Telesur announced that the military in Honduras is shutting down all electricity throughout the country. Those television and radio stations still transmitting on Sunday were not reporting the coup detat or the kidnapping of Zelaya. On Friday, US Assistant Secretary of State Phillip J. Crowley refused to clarify the US governments position in reference to the potential coup against Zelaya, and instead issued a more ambiguous statement that implied Washingtons support for the opposition to the Honduran president. The US spokesman stated the following:
The US economy ensures one of Honduras top sources of income, the monies sent from Hondurans working in the US under the temporary protected status program that was implemented during Washingtons dirty war in the 1980s as a result of massive immigration to US territory to escape the war zone. Another major source of funding in Honduras is USAID, providing over $50m/yr for democracy promotion programs, which generally supports NGOs and political parties favorable to US interests. The Pentagon also maintains a military base in Honduras in Soto Cano, equipped with approximately 500 troops and numerous air force combat planes and helicopters. Foreign Minister Rodas has stated that she has repeatedly tried to make contact with the US Ambassador in Honduras, Hugo Llorens, who has not responded to any of her calls thus far. The modus operandi of the coup makes clear that Washington is involved. Neither the Honduran military, which is majority trained by US forces, nor the political and economic elite, would act to oust a democratically elected president without the backing and support of the US government. The last major US government intervention in Honduras occured during the 1980s, when the Reagan Administration funded death squads and paramilitaries to eliminate any potential communist threats in Central America. At the time, John Negroponte was the US Ambassador in Honduras and was responsible for directly funding and training Honduran death squads that were responsable for thousands of disappeared and assassinated throughout the region.
UN soldiers detain protester minutes before opening fire on crowd outside of Haiti's national cathedral during a funeral for Father Gerard Jean-Juste. One protestor was killed as UN forces open fire during a funeral for Catholic priest Father Gerard Jean-Juste. A human rights advocate and well-known supporter of former president Jean-Bertrand Aristideand his Lavalas movement, Jean-Juste died on May 27 in a Miami hospital from complications following a stroke and long respiratory illness. Eyewitnesses report today's shooting incident involving the UN began after mourners began chanting slogans for the return of ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide outside of Haiti's national cathedral. One of the protestors was seen inadvertently passing through a security barrier erected by UN forces and was detained. As the UN arrested him hundreds more rushed past the barrier and resumed chants for Lavalas and Aristide. According to witnesses, UN troops on the scene began shooting indiscriminately at the crowd killing a young man identified only as "Junior" from the neighborhood of Solino. Hundreds more protestors then took the body of the victim to the front of Haiti's National Palacewhere they began chanting, "Down with Preval" and "Long live Aristide." Widespread disillusionment with Haitian president Rene Preval and the UN occupation force has grown discernibly over the past year. Members of Fanmi Lavalas, Haiti's largest political partywere barred from participating in the last Senate election and organized a successful boycott called "Operation Closed Door." Today's shooting comes days before a second round of elections scheduled for Sunday. Fanmi Lavalas has announced a second boycott to protest their exclusion from the electoral process. The
incident involving the UN was captured live and streamed
over the Internet by Tele-Ginen, a Haitian television
station located in Port au Prince. Iraqi Oil Minister accused of mother of all sell-outsTo public fury, the country is handing over control of its fields to foreign companies Thursday, 18 June 2009 Furious protests threaten to undermine the Iraqi government's controversial plan to give international oil companies a stake in its giant oilfields in a desperate effort to raise declining oil production and revenues. In less than two weeks, on 29 and 30 June, the Iraqi Oil Minister, Hussain Shahristani, will award service contracts to the world's largest oil companies to develop six of Iraq's largest oil-producing fields over 20 to 25 years. Senior figures within the Iraqi oil industry have denounced the deal. Fayad al-Nema, the director of the South Oil Company, which comes under the Oil Ministry and produces most of Iraq's crude, said on the weekend: "The service contracts will put the Iraqi economy in chains and shackle its independence for the next 20 years. They squander Iraq's revenues." Mr Nema is reported to have since been fired because of his opposition to the contracts, which he says is shared by many other officials in Iraq's state-owned oil industry. The government maintains that it is not compromising the ownership of Iraq's oil reserves the third largest in the world at 115 billion barrels on which the country is wholly dependent to fund its recovery from 30 years of war, sanctions and occupation. But the fall in the oil price over the past year has left the government facing a financial crisis; 80 per cent of its revenues go to pay for salaries, food rations and recurrent costs. Little is left for reconstruction and the government is finding it hard to pay even for much-needed items such as an electrical plant from GE and Siemens. The development of Iraq's oil reserves is of great importance to the world's energy supply in the 21st century. They may be even larger than Saudi Arabia's, as there was little exploration while Iraq was ruled by Saddam Hussein. International oil companies are desperate to get their foot in the door. "Everyone wants to be in Iraq," says Ruba Husari, an expert on Iraqi oil. "Together with Iran, this is the only oil province in the world that has great potential. It is a great opportunity for oil companies because nobody knows the size of Iraq's reserves. Iraq itself needs to know what is under its soil." But Iraqis are wary of the involvement of foreign oil companies in raising production in super giant fields like Kirkuk and Bai Hassan in the north and Rumaila, Zubair and West Qurna in the south. They suspect the 2003 US invasion was ultimately aimed at securing Western control of their oil wealth. The nationalisation of the Iraqi oil industry by Saddam Hussein in 1972 remains popular and the rebellion against the service contracts has been gathering pace all this week. Parliament is demanding that bidding be delayed. MPs summoned Mr Shahristani, a nuclear scientist imprisoned and tortured under Saddam Hussein, to answer questions about the service contracts and the fall in Iraq's oil production and exports. Jabir Khalifa Kabir, the secretary of parliament's oil and gas committee, says the contracts will "chain the government with complex contractual terms" and will abort South Oil Company's own plans to raise production. The government says the bidding must go ahead. The contracts are not particularly favourable to the international oil companies. They are rather the outcome of the companies' extreme eagerness to get into Iraq and the government's attempt to obtain expertise and investment without ceding control. The companies will be paid a fee linked to first restoring and then increasing oil output. They will, however, have greater control when there is a second round of bidding for oilfields which have been discovered but not yet developed. Separate again is the question of exploration for as yet undiscovered oil reserves. Critics of the deal in parliament say that Iraq has already invested $8bn (£4.9bn) in developing its super giant fields. But Mr Shahristani needs $50bn over the next five or six years to raise current production levels from 2.5 million barrels a day of crude and knows the money and expertise can only come from outside Iraq. The government in Baghdad may be near broke but Iraqis ask whose fault that is. The Oil Ministry, like much of the government, is dysfunctional when it comes to carrying out long-term projects. Mr Shahristani is blamed for poor management skills, though he eloquently defends himself by saying that when he took over the ministry in 2006, he had to cope with attacks by guerrillas who once were blowing up a pipeline every day. This explains Mr Shahristani's problems in northern Iraq, where the Sunni Arab insurgency of 2003-08 was strong, but not in the far south, where the Shia community is dominant and there was no uprising. Jabbar al-Luaibi, the former head of the South Oil Company, who battled to maintain oil production in these years, gave a devastating interview detailing the failings of the Oil Ministry to provide the most basic equipment needed to monitor the oil reservoirs. "It's like driving your car without any indicators on the dashboard," he said, adding that if mismanagement continued in the same way as in the past "who knows, we might have to start importing crude oil". The Iraqi government made two other mistakes for which it is now paying. It optimistically believed the price of oil would stay high at $140 a barrel. Instead of investing extra revenues by paying for outside expertise and equipment to raise production in the oilfields, it spent the money on raising the pay of government employees and increasing their number. This increased Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's popularity in the provincial elections in January but left the government short of cash when oil prices collapsed. Prices have risen since then, but not nearly enough to solve the government's problems. In June 2008 the Iraqi oil industry seemed poised to receive foreign help by signing two-year technical support contracts with oil companies. Control would have remained with Iraq. However, at the last minute, the contracts were cancelled despite being supported by Mr Shahristani and the council of ministers. The reason why this happened explains much about why the state machine is unable to carry out long-term policies. Jobs are allocated to members of political parties regardless of their experience or abilities. After 2003 the Oil Ministry had been the fief of the Fadhila, a Shia Islamic party strong in Basra, and, though it left the government, it never wholly accepted Mr Shahristani as minister. Showing a certain cheek, Fadhila members having sabotaged the plan to acquire foreign expertise when money was available to buy it last year now criticise the government for being forced to accept worse terms because it cannot invest itself. Many Iraqis will be angered to see their historic oilfields being partially run by foreign companies. But the government believes it has no choice. June 29, 2009 Key leaders of Honduras
military coup trained in US At least two leaders of the coup launched in Honduras today were apparently trained at a controversial Department of Defense school based at Fort Benning, Georgia infamous for producing graduates linked to torture, death squads and other human rights abuses. Leftist President Manuel Zelaya was kidnapped and transported to Costa Rica this morning after a growing controversy over a vote concerning term limits. Over the last week, Zelaya clashed with and eventually dismissed General Romeo Vasquez who is now reportedly in charge of the armed forces that abducted the Honduran president. According to the watchdog group School of Americas Watch, Gen. Vasquez trained at the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation at least twice in 1976 and 1984 when it was still called School of the Americas. The Georgia-based US military school is infamous for training over 60,000 Latin American soldiers, including infamous dictators, death squad leaders and others charged with torture and other human rights abuses. SOA Watchs annual protest to shut down the Fort Benning training site draws thousands. According to SOA Watch, the US Army school has a particularly checkered record in Honduras, with over 50 graduates who have been intimately involved in human rights abuses. In 1975, SOA Graduate General Juan Melgar Castro became the military dictator of Honduras. From 1980-1982 the dictatorial Honduran regime was headed by yet another SOA graduate, Policarpo Paz Garcia, who intensified repression and murder by Battalion 3-16, one of the most feared death squads in all of Latin America (founded by Honduran SOA graduates with the help of Argentine SOA graduates). General Vasquez isnt the only leader in the Honduras coup linked to the US training facility. As Kristin Bricker points out:
For previous Facing South coverage of controversy surrounding the School of Americas/Western Hemisphere Center, see here. June 29, 2009 Victims of Israels Gaza
invasion give evidence to UN mission Harrowing testimony by bereaved victims of Israels military onslaught on Gaza was heard yesterday in the first public session in Gaza City of a UN factfinding mission led by a prominent South African judge. Israel has refused to co-operate with the enquiry, and Judge Richard Goldstones team was obliged to enter Gaza through the Egyptian border post in Rafah. It had also hoped to travel to southern Israel to hear testimony from Israeli victims of rocket attacks from Gaza but says it will now do so in Geneva next month. Israeli witnesses may be flown to Geneva to give evidence at UN expense as the team is barred from Israel. Judge Goldstone, a Jew and an eminent lawyer on the board of Human Rights Watch, is also a former governor of Hebrew University in Jerusalem. He said:
He told witnesses at the start of the hearing that the judges knew it is not easy, and how painful it is to tell their stories. Moteeh Silawi, an imam from Jablaya, graphically described leading his blind father, aged 91, across scattered body parts after 17 worshippers were killed by flying shrapnel from an explosion just outside its door during evening prayers on 3 Jan. Silawi, who lost three brothers and two nephews, including a four year old, said:
The team heard evidence from the Deeb family, which lost 11 of its members, including five children, in the same series of mortar rounds that killed up to 40 people on 6 Jan near al-Fakhoura UN School in Jabalya, which was being used as a shelter. They also heard from Wael Samouni, who survived an attack that killed 29 of his extended family on 5 Jan after they had taken shelter in his warehouse in Zeitoun. what shall we call this? apartheid? slavery?June 29, 2009 (Notice the insulting assumption that food surplus to personal needs is intended for sale, not for humanitarian purposes RB) Privately run checkpoint
stops Palestinians with too much food A West Bank checkpoint managed by a private security company is not allowing Palestinians to pass through with large water bottles and some food items, Haaretz has learned. MachsomWatch discovered the policy, which Palestinian workers confirmed to Haaretz. The Defense Ministry stated in response that non-commercial quantities of food were not being limited. It made no reference to the issue of water. The checkpoint, Shaar Efraim, is south of Tul Karm, and is managed for the Defense Ministry by the private security company Modiin Ezrahi. The company stops Palestinian workers from passing through the checkpoint with the following items: Large bottles of frozen water, large bottles of soft drinks, home-cooked food, coffee, tea and the spice zaatar. The security company also dictates the quantity of items allowed: Five pitas, one container of hummus and canned tuna, one small bottle or can of beverage, one or two slices of cheese, a few spoonfuls of sugar, and 5 to 10 olives. Workers are also not allowed to carry cooking utensils and work tools. MachsomWatch told Haaretz that Sunday, a 32-year-old construction worker from Tul Karm, who is employed in Hadera, was not allowed to carry his lunch bag through the checkpoint. The bag contained six pitas, 2 cans of cream cheese, one kilogram of sugar in a plastic bag, and a salad, also in a plastic bag. The typical Palestinian laborer in Israel has a 12-hour workday, including travel time and checkpoint delays. Many leave home as early as 2am in order to wait in line at the checkpoint; tardiness to work often results in immediate dismissal. Workers return home around 5pm. The wait at the checkpoint can take one to two hours in each direction, if not longer. The food quantities allowed by Modiin Ezrahi do not meet the daily dietary needs of the workers, and they prefer not to buy food at the considerably more expensive Israeli stores. MachsomWatch informed the IDF
about the new bans but received no response, the
organization said. Modiin Ezrahi issued a statement
saying questions should be directed to the Defense
Ministrys crossings administration. MachsomWatch
activists said a security guard on duty told them the
food restrictions were imposed due to security and
health risks. However, at the nearby Qalqilyah
checkpoint, which is still run directly by the IDF,
workers have been allowed to carry through all the food
items banned at Shaar Efraim. However,
responsibility for the Qalqilyah checkpoint is supposed
to be transferred to a private company this week, and
workers voiced concerns that similar restrictions might
be imposed there. The IDF Spokesmans office said in
a statement:
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