| The Voting
restrictions in Jerusalem explained, the Great Land Grab. FEBRUARY 1st.2005 : Israel's attorney-general
has ordered the government to rescind a decision to
enforce a decades-old law under which large tracts of
Palestinian land in Arab East Jerusalem could be
confiscated, officials said. (However please see also, next file by John Ward
Anderson, 7th Feb.inst.ed.JB)
The government invoked the 1950
Absentee Property Law last July and word leaked out this
month, alarming Palestinians who feared an attempt to
usurp their claims to East Jerusalem, which they want as
the capital of a future state.
Israeli media said the move had
angered the US administration, which regarded it as an
obstacle to new peace prospects raised by the election of
moderate Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas on 9 January
to replace Yasir Arafat.
In a lengthy legal opinion,
Attorney-General Menachem Mazuz told the government to
cancel implementation of the law in East Jerusalem,
saying it violated obligations under international law
and was sure to be overturned by the Israeli supreme
court.
'Law is illegal'
"This decision cannot stand,"
Mazuz said in a four-page ruling on the law, which allows
a state custodian to seize East Jerusalem property
belonging to Palestinians in the West Bank. 
A justice ministry source said
Mazuz had determined the law would not withstand supreme
court appeals.
"If the attorney-general says it
[the law] won't stand up [to appeal], then it means that
yes, this law is illegal," the justice ministry
source said. The government was obliged to adhere to
Mazuz's decision, the source added..
Officials at the finance ministry,
which is responsible for implementing the law, and at
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's office, declined immediate
comment.
Bureaucratic mishap
Haaretz said the decision was approved
at a 22 June meeting of the Ministerial Committee on
Jerusalem Affairs attended by only two members, both
rightists.
Since there were no opposing votes in
the meeting, the decision was automatically approved by
the government two weeks later without a cabinet vote or
a notation in cabinet minutes.
Mazuz said that due to a bureaucratic
mishap, he was not informed of the decision and only
found out by chance when legal complaints were made to
his office.
He wrote that the ministerial committee
had acted outside its powers and improperly applied the
law, causing "numerous legal difficulties".
"These have to do with imposing
the law and the reasonability of imposing it under these
circumstances and with regard to Israel's obligation
under international law."
Land confiscation
Under the Absentee Property Law enacted
two years after the country's founding, land belonging to
people living in "enemy countries" was
confiscated by the state.
The measure allowed confiscation of the
property of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who
became refugees in the 1948 war and scattered mainly to
Arab states.
While technically applied to East
Jerusalem after Israel captured it in the 1967 Middle
East war, the law was never implemented.
The decision raised hackles among
Palestinians already worried by Israeli plans to demolish
dozens of houses near its West Bank barrier as well as
plans to require East Jerusalem residents to obtain
permits to visit the West Bank.
Some Palestinian landowners, according
to their lawyers, have already received notices that
their plots in the city have been seized under the law
even though they live nearby - just outside the city
limits in the West Bank.
Reuters
The Voting restrictions
in Jerusalem explained, the Great Land Grab.
FOR IMMEDIATE
RELEASE, FROM INTERNAT.SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT
January 9, 2005
Because of Israeli imposed
conditions, only
6,000 of the 124,000 Palestinians from East Jerusalem who
hold Israeli-issued Jerusalem IDs are eligible to vote
within East Jerusalem near their homes. Those 6,000 must vote for
their President in six Israeli government controlled post
offices. The
remaining 118,000 East Jerusalem residents must travel to
surrounding towns and villages to vote, often passing
through Israeli checkpoints or around Israel's Apartheid
Wall.
Only 4.8% of
East Jerusalemites will actually find their names on the
East Jerusalem voting lists at the six Israeli post
offices near their homes. The vast majority are
being turned away and told to travel on to the
surrounding towns and villages to vote. The Jaffa
Gate post office seems to represent an extreme example of
this problem. By 12:30 PM, ISM volunteers were told
by an Israeli post office employee there that only one
of approximately 40 Palestinians who came to vote there
had been allowed to vote so far. Similarly, ISM
volunteers have been told that only 34 few East
Jerusalemites succeeded in voting at the Israeli post
office in Shufat, and 56 voted in Beit Hanina so far.
On top of restricting the vote to 4.8% of the eligible
Palestinian population in East Jerusalem, Israeli
authorities have imposed numerous other constraints on
East Jerusalem residents' right to vote. The requirement that
Palestinians cast ballots in Israeli post offices allows
Israeli authorities to maintain a façade that Jerusalem
residents are casting absentee ballots, and mailing their
votes back to their homeland. Already worried about
voting in Israeli post offices, East Jerusalemites also
fear traveling to vote in the towns and villages outside
of East Jerusalem. Israeli authorities could claim
that as evidence that they are not residents of
Jerusalem, and strip them of their Jerusalem IDs and
their rights and benefits.
Other major violations in East Jerusalem include Israeli
restrictions on registering voters and campaigning in
East Jerusalem. Israeli authorities closed down Palestinian
voter registration centers in East Jerusalem. While they
eventually allowed door-to-door registration, staff
conducting the registration told ISM volunteers that they
were prohibited from carrying any documents identifying
them with the Palestinian Central election Commission,
and from displaying the Palestinian flag or colors.
Israeli authorities have also limited the posting of
candidate and voter education posters to a few designated
public locations. Presidential candidates have also
been arrested and harassed by Israeli police on the few
occasions when they attempted to campaign in East
Jerusalem.
The Israeli government's effort to deny Palestinians'
right to vote in East Jerusalem serves as one example of
the impossibility of conducting free and fair elections
under Israeli military occupation.9TH JUNE 2005

HERE IS THE
"LEGAL" EXPLANATION IN HA'ARETZ,20TH JUNE 2005israeli's new land
grab discovered:Gov't decision strips Palestinians of
their East J'lem property
By Meron
Rappaport, Ha'aretz.
Thu.,
January 20, 2005 Shvat 10, 5765
The government decision in July confirms a decision
reached in the ministerial committee for Jerusalem
affairs a month earlier. The decision was presented to
the prime minister and attorney general and met with
their approval, but
the decision was not publicized until now and is not
listed on the Web site of the Prime Minister's Office.
The Sharon
government implemented the Absentee Property Law in East
Jerusalem last July, contrary to Israeli government
policy since Israeli law was extended to East Jerusalem
after the Six Day War. The law means that thousands of
Palestinians who live in the West Bank will lose
ownership of their property in East Jerusalem.
Government officials estimate
the assets total thousands of dunam, while other
estimates say they could add up to half of all East Jerusalem
property.

www.kibush.co.il
LAW MODELLED ON ENGLISH COLONIAL LAW:
The Absentee
Property Law of 1950 stipulates, among other things, that
an absentee is someone who at the time of the War of
Independence "was in any part of the land of Israel
that is outside the area of Israel" - that is, the
West Bank and Gaza Strip.
According
to the law, absentee assets are transfered to the
authority of the Custodian for Absentee Property, without
the absentee being eligible for any compensation. When
East Jerusalem came under Israeli law, then-attorney
general Meir Shamgar directed that the law not be applied
to West Bank residents who have property in the parts of
East Jerusalem that became part of the State of Israel.
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin reissued that directive in
1993.
With the
recent construction of the fence in the Jerusalem region,
Palestinian landholders from Bethlehem and Beit Jala
requested permission to continue working their fields,
which are within Jerusalem's municipal jurisdiction. The
state's response stated that the lands "no longer
belong to them, but have been handed over to the
Custodian for Absentee Property." At stake are
thousands of dunam of agricultural land on which the
Palestinians grew olives and grapes throughout the years.
"These
people's property was always considered absentee assets,
but so long as no fence existed, these people could get
to their property and everything was fine from their
standpoint," said a senior judicial official
involved in the case. "The fence is the result of
terrorism. It's not fair that a man becomes an absentee
because his tie to his land has been cut without his
doing. But morality is one thing, and what is written in
our laws another."
The Palestinian landholders and their Israeli lawyers
term it a "land grab," and also worry that
nascent Housing Ministry plans will build on part of
absentees' land.

/www.kibush.co.il
Moshe Amirav
former city council member
Amirav said that
once the land seizures in Jerusalem are scrutinised in
court, the expropriations of Israel's early years could
also be challenged.
"This opens a
Pandora's box," he said. "The minute you open
it, you open all the legal and moral questions of
1948."
Dahla, an attorney who represents the Bethlehem
municipality and some of the Bethlehem landowners, said
he believes the land seizures are part of a plan to
expand Jewish neighbourhoods in eastern Jerusalem.
"We're talking about land that those Palestinians in
Bait Jalla have owned for hundreds of years," Dahla
said. "They are not absentees ... in fact they
continued to cultivate the land up until now."
This information co-ordinates with the recent Election
rule in East Jerusalem that confused hundreds of people,
and especially the candidates for election and the
foreign monitors:
Palestine
election results
update:
The Election Labyrinth of East Jerusalem, ISM Election
Day Report
from Hebron, Nablus--Reportback from Donna
From the ISM Media Office:
The Election Labyrinth of East Jerusalem
January 9, 2005
By Molly Picon
Many friends and family in the U.S. have asked me about
whether or not I think the Palestinian elections will be
conducted in a free and fair manner. Today was an
eye-opener about the meaning of free and fair. Take a
deep breath, dear reader, and I'll take you through the
many twists and turns taken by Palestinian residents of
Jerusalem trying to vote in the PA elections.
Palestinians who live in Jerusalem are not Israeli
citizens. This means that although they are required to
pay taxes TO the Israeli government, they are not
represented BY the Israeli government. Palestinian
residents of Jerusalem cannot vote in Israeli elections.
They also receive poorer social services from the Israeli
government. According to the Israeli Committee against
Home Demolitions, the Palestinians of East Jerusalem
receive 6-8% of the social services in the municipality
even though they pay one third of the taxes. Voting
rights for Palestinian residents of Jerusalem were an
enormous problem in these elections. From the Israeli
perspective, if all of the Palestinian residents of East
Jerusalem were permitted to vote in Jerusalem, it would
mean that the Palestinian Authority would be responsible
for protecting their interests. If the Palestinian
Authority were to have a significant number of
constituents in East Jerusalem and these constituents
were acknowledged as Palestinian by Israel, this would
strengthen the Palestinian claim to East Jerusalem. This
is life for Palestinians in the only
"democracy" in the Middle East.
Of the 124,000 Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem
only six thousand were eligible to vote within East
Jerusalem itself due to the Israeli imposed
restrictions. The Israeli government limited
Palestinian voting to six Israeli post offices which had
minimal capacity to serve as polling stations. The other
118,000 residents had to cross through Israeli imposed
checkpoints or around Israel's apartheid wall in order to
vote in surrounding villages and towns. Naturally, the
Palestinian residents of Jerusalem worried about losing
the meager social services provided to them by the
Israeli government, not to mention their rights to their
homes, if they succeeded in voting in the areas
surrounding Jerusalem. Since the city of Jerusalem is
such a sensitive issue in terms of sovereignty over holy
sites and territorial issues, the city's Palestinian
residents are left in the middle of the dispute, without
proper representation and under threat from settler
nationalist groups intent on keeping all of Jerusalem as
part of Israel.
We began our day as election eyewitnesses at the largest
voting station in East Jerusalem, the Salahadin post
office. There were a few people gathered and ready to
vote. It was then that things became rather hairy, as
many who came to Salahadin were turned away from the
voting station because their name was not on the list of
people eligible to vote in East Jerusalem. It seemed that
no one knew which 4% of the 124,000 Palestinian residents
of East Jerusalem were eligible to vote in the place
where they lived and which had to go to the surrounding
villages and towns.
Never mind that Israel and the U.S. picked their favorite
before the election even started. You have, no doubt
heard of Abu Mazen, my reader? Never mind that the
Israelis restricted freedom of movement for every
candidate running besides the one they picked. Have you
heard of the multiple arrests of Dr. Mustafa Barghouthi?
Do you even know who he is? Did you know that he is a PhD
in medicine with one graduate degree in philosophy and
one in civil administration? Did you know that he is the
president of the Medical Relief Committee, which he
founded? Have you heard of Bassam Al-Salhi who holds a
master's degree in political science from Birzeit
University? What about Taysir Khaled who holds a Masters
degree in Economy and Political Science from Heidelberg
University? These men, along with Abu Mazen (who before
you ask, has a PhD in Law from the University of
Damascus) have been among the leaders of the Palestinian
struggle for justice. They are not rag-tag thugs as our
government, or the Israeli press, would have us believe.
But I digress. Never mind that Israel and the U.S.
hand-picked the winner before the elections even started.
Never mind the significant Israeli police presence around
each and every polling station in East Jerusalem. I mean,
would you feel comfortable voting knowing that you could
potentially be arrested and held for months without trial
and without even knowing what you were being accused of?
Never mind the American loser John Kerry who stopped by
for photo-ops with the Shin Bet. Never mind all of this.
In addition to the police presence, when our group
arrived at our second destination, the Jaffa street post
office polling place, there were teenage Jewish settlers
hanging around outside the post office, eyeballing
Palestinians trying to vote unsuccessfully. At 12:30pm
one Palestinian out of 50 potential voters was allowed to
vote at this polling station. The settler children were
given microphones and cameras for Israel National Radio
(aka Arutz Sheva), an anti-Palestinian propagandist radio
station. We internationals were like a magnet for them. A
Jewish representative of the Jerusalem Municipal Council
in his thirties tried to walk into the post office with
an enormous Israeli flag in his hand. When he was stopped
by security, he said: "Jerusalem is part of my
country, the State of Israel, and this is the flag of the
state of Israel. I should be allowed to go wherever I
want to go in Jerusalem with this flag."
After the incident subsided, one of the settler teens,
with an Arutz Sheva microphone in hand and a yellow star
with the word `settler' written in Hebrew on his lapel,
asked if I wanted to give an interview. I said no. He
asked why. I said I'm not interested. He asked why. I
told him I don't talk to Israel National Radio. We were
approached again by a different settler teen who insisted
on knowing our opinion on whether the elections were free
and fair. I told him that we weren't interested in
speaking to him. He insisted on knowing our opinion. I
told him to stop harassing us and to leave. He said that
he had the right to stand there. I told him that I would
call the police if he didn't leave us alone. I stood my
ground (I was boiling inside, just boiling) and he left.
It was at this point that another settler teen shoved a
video camera in the faces of the other three members in
my group. He demanded that they tell him the names of the
candidates running for Palestinian president.
My Swedish friend (who you may remember from my last
report back, with the Barbie-doll hair?) insisted that he
stop filming her. When she put her hand to her face, the
settler teen went to the police and claimed that she
assaulted him. The police of course did nothing and the
settler teen came right back over and shoved the video
camera in our faces again. It was at this point that the
four of us turned our backs and he went on to harass one
of the EU election monitors. Another settler teen
approached and insisted on knowing why we supported these
Arabs. He asked if we knew what he knew: that there have
never been a Palestinian people, and that the term was a
construct. We refused to answer his ridiculous question.
Are the people who have lived in this place for centuries
also a construct? Are they fungible, like the US loans
with repayment waived (in other words, grants for Israel
with no US oversight)? It was at this point that the
settler teen accused my Barbie-blonde Swedish friend of
perpetrating the Holocaust. He told her that she wanted
all of the Jews in Israel to move back to Europe. She
clarified that she didn't want him or any of his friends
anywhere near her country.
It was at this point, after the realization that
Palestinians had left the polling place, thoroughly
intimidated by the settler presence and aware that if
they tried to vote inside the post office they would
probably be turned away, that we decided to leave. The
Israelis were clear about the fact that they were not
interested in reigning in the settlers (are they ever
clear in action that they want these people to stop?) The
settlers sent their children out to incite violence, as
after all, they are the ones who spawn terrorists and
confronting them was not what we were there to do. We
heard about more incidents throughout the day of settlers
trying to intimidate Palestinians on their way to the
polls, but the EU monitors claim that every one was able
to reach the polling places without physical violence.
At around 2:30pm, former president Jimmy Carter
negotiated a deal with the prime minister's office that
allowed Palestinian residents of Jerusalem to vote inside
the city with their I.D. cards, whether their name
appeared on the list of those eligible to vote in the
city or not. However, at the time at which the polls
closed and Abu Mazen was declared the winner (a huge
shock to all, I mean what a roller coaster ride!) only
six or seven Palestinians had voted at the Jaffa Gate.
So, dear reader, were the elections free and fair as was
reported? The Palestinian residents of Jerusalem worked
as hard as they could, organizing buses and vans to the
surrounding areas in order to get out the vote. The
Palestinians care deeply about changing their situation
and want more than anything to have a just and democratic
society. They made every effort to make the elections run
smoothly under occupation. I share their hopes that
Israel will stop this nonsensical occupation and that
they will one day achieve their goal.
The day after the elections, the Israelis closed the
Qalandia and Ram checkpoints for "security
reasons" in both the direction of Ramallah (away
from Israel) and in the direction of Jerusalem. While my
friends and I waited at Qalandia with about 200-300
Palestinians all too familiar with these regular
accusations and hassles, I thought "no matter what
they say, no matter what they do, no matter what's
decided, I will always remember that these people are
Palestinians and that this place is Palestine."
PALESTINIAN VOTES
CURTAILED BY ISRAEL IN JERUSALEM ; POLITICAL DOUBTS AND
FEARS CONSTRAIN PALESTINIAN VOTERS
Sharon
: Thanks to me, free elections are happening in Palestine

For other drawings
on world news :
http://perso.wanadoo.fr/tableauxpastels/caricatures-mariali/
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE, FROM INTERNAT.SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT
January 9, 2005
At approximately, 12:30 PM today, 5 ½ hours after the
opening of polling stations, the first Palestinian voter
succeeded in casting a ballot at the Jaffa Gate post
office in the old city of East Jerusalem. Israeli
imposed obstacles to voting at the Jaffa Gate polling
station typify the problems Palestinians are experiencing
as they attempt to conduct democratic elections under
Israeli occupation. The Israeli government is
attempting to limit Palestinian voting in East Jerusalem
in particular as part of an attempt to deny Palestinian
rights and identity there.
Because of Israeli imposed conditions, only 6,000 of the
124,000 Palestinians from East Jerusalem who hold
Israeli-issued Jerusalem IDs are eligible to vote within
East Jerusalem near their homes. Those 6,000 must
vote for their President in six Israeli government
controlled post offices. The remaining 118,000 East
Jerusalem residents must travel to surrounding towns and
villages to vote, often passing through Israeli
checkpoints or around Israel's Apartheid Wall.
Only 4.8% of East Jerusalemites will actually find their
names on the East Jerusalem voting lists at the six
Israeli post offices near their homes. The vast
majority are being turned away and told to travel on to
the surrounding towns and villages to vote. The
Jaffa Gate post office seems to represent an extreme
example of this problem. By 12:30 PM, ISM
volunteers were told by an Israeli post office employee
there that only one of approximately 40 Palestinians who
came to vote there had been allowed to vote so far.
Similarly, ISM volunteers have been told that only 34 few
East Jerusalemites succeeded in voting at the Israeli
post office in Shufat, and 56 voted in Beit Hanina so
far.
On top of restricting the vote to 4.8% of the eligible
Palestinian population in East Jerusalem, Israeli
authorities have imposed numerous other constraints on
East Jerusalem residents' right to vote. The
requirement that Palestinians cast ballots in Israeli
post offices allows Israeli authorities to maintain a
façade that Jerusalem residents are casting absentee
ballots, and mailing their votes back to their
homeland.
During visits to voters' homes over the last week in East
Jerusalem, a number of Palestinians explained to ISM
volunteers that voting in Israeli post offices is
intimidating and will reduce turnout. They fear
Israeli authorities will take the list of voters, and, as
a punishment for voting in a Palestinian election, strip
voters of their Israeli-issued Jerusalem identification
card and their right to live in Jerusalem, and of the
benefits that they have paid for through taxes to the
Israeli government.
Already worried about voting in Israeli post offices,
East Jerusalemites also fear traveling to vote in the
towns and villages outside of East Jerusalem.
Israeli authorities could claim that as evidence that
they are not residents of Jerusalem, and strip them of
their Jerusalem IDs and their rights and benefits.
Other major violations in East Jerusalem include Israeli
restrictions on registering voters and campaigning in
East Jerusalem. Israeli authorities closed down
Palestinian voter registration centers in East Jerusalem.
While they eventually allowed door-to-door registration,
staff conducting the registration told ISM volunteers
that they were prohibited from carrying any documents
identifying them with the Palestinian Central election
Commission, and from displaying the Palestinian flag or
colors. Israeli authorities have also limited the
posting of candidate and voter education posters to a few
designated public locations. Presidential
candidates have also been arrested and harassed by
Israeli police on the few occasions when they attempted
to campaign in East Jerusalem.
The Israeli government's effort to deny Palestinians'
right to vote in East Jerusalem serves as one example of
the impossibility of conducting free and fair elections
under Israeli military occupation.
Subsequent to acknowledging
the above information we can perhaps see why Abdul Latif
Gheithwas arrested and unavailable for consultation from
the many Jerusalem citizens who would have needed his
advocacy for their votes:
Release of Addameer's Chairman of
the Board of Trustees Abdul Latif Gheith
After 6 months of being held in Ofer Detention Center
(just outside Ramallah) as an administrative detainee,
Chairman of the Board of Trustees at Addameer Prisoners'
Support and Human Rights Association, Abdul Latif Gheith,
was released on January 27, 2005. Mr. Gheith, 63 years
old, was arrested on July 29, 2004, by Israeli soldiers
while crossing the Qalandya checkpoint between Ramallah
and Jerusalem.
Like all administrative detainees, the Israeli occupying
authorities held Mr. Gheith on secret evidence
unavailable to him or his lawyers. Israeli military
regulations effective in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories allow for the Israeli army to detain any
Palestinian for a period of 8 days without providing
reason for the detention. Although Gheith is a resident
of Jerusalem and holds a Jerusalem ID card, he therefore
is governed by different regulations of detention, the
Israeli occupation authorities have dealt with Gheith
based on military regulations in effect for holders of
West Bank ID cards.
Abdul Latif Gheith, a prominent
public figure in Jerusalem and the Palestinian community
at large, has devoted his life to the protection of human
rights and social justice activities. He has most
recently focused much of his energy and activism on
social justice and human rights issues as relate to
violations of the rights of Palestinian residents of
Jerusalem, particularly against the Annexation Wall that
has created enclaves of Palestinian residential areas and
suffocated Palestinian society. Mr.
Gheith is a member of the Palestinian Civil Society
Committee on Jerusalem and a member of the Higher
Palestinian National Committee on Political Prisoners.
The specter of administrative detention is not unfamiliar
to Gheith who, like thousands of other Palestinian
activists, has been targeted by this form of arbitrary
and debilitating punishment. In 1988, with the beginning
of the first Intifada, Gheith was arbitrarily detained
for 6 months and, following a brief release, was detained
again in 1989 for another 6 months of administrative
detention.
Addameer would like to thank all those organizations and
individuals who supported the campaign to free Abdul
Latif Gheith, and all who continue to support the release
of all Palestinian political prisoners.
|