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I believe David Kelly did not
commit suicide - and I will prove it
By Norman Baker MP
The Mail on Sunday
23 July 2006
The weapons inspectors death, three years
ago this month, caused a firestorm of controversy. Now
this MP using parliamentary questions, privileged
access and forensic analysis has mounted his own
investigation, and it casts a devastating new light on
what really happened.
Three years ago, one of those events occurred that
suddenly and dramatically change the political landscape.
Dr David Kelly, the UK's leading weapons inspector, was
found dead under a tree on Harrowdown Hill, Oxfordshire.
An inquiry set up under Lord Hutton duly found that Dr
Kelly committed suicide.
Today I challenge that conclusion. I do so on the basis
that the medical evidence available simply cannot support
it, that Dr Kelly's own behaviour and character argues
strongly against it, and that there were serious
shortcomings in the way the legal and investigative
processes set up to consider his death were followed.
After months of intensive enquiry, I reveal new evidence
which:
· Shows that the alleged method of suicide chosen, far
from being common, was in fact unique. Dr Kelly was the
only person in the whole of the UK in 2003 deemed to have
died in this way
· Reveals irregularities in the actions of the coroner,
relating to the issuing death certificate.
· Proves that the pathologist chosen by the coroner to
investigate the death had been on the Home Office
approved list for just two years, less than almost all
the other 43 approved pathologists.
· Raises questions about the actions taken by the police
who attended Dr Kelly's house when he was reported
missing, actions which a very senior police officer told
me were bizarre.
· Uncovers the cosy cabal of friends of Tony Blair who
hand-picked Lord Hutton, and why, and who fixed the rules
for his inquiry
The weeks leading up to Dr Kelly's death in 2003 had been
charged and eventful. In mid-March, British and American
forces had invaded Iraq. Saddam Hussein was deposed and
on May 1, US President George Bush declared 'mission
accomplished', a claim that rings rather hollow now.
Then, on May 29, came the allegations, broadcast by the
BBC, that the intelligence information about Iraq, which
in an unprecedented move the Government had decided to
release, had been 'sexed up' to make the case for war
stronger, particularly with the assertion that Saddam
could have chemical or biological ready to fire within 45
minutes.
No 10's director of communications, Alastair Campbell,
went ballistic and launched a blistering attack on the
BBC, determined in particular to wreck the career of
Today programme reporter Andrew Gilligan. David Kelly had
provided Mr Gilligan and others in the BBC with much of
the ammunition for the claim that the dossier released by
the Government to justify war had been presented in a way
that stretched the available intelligence to breaking
point. He, along with others in the know, was deeply
unhappy about the added spin.
In the end, to further the Government's vendetta with the
BBC, the Ministry of Defence and No 10 acted to ensure Dr
Kelly's name became public. He was thrust into the
unwelcome glare of publicity and made to appear in a
Soviet-style televised appearance before the Commons
Foreign Affairs Committee.
The standard explanation then was that Dr Kelly, a very
private man, felt humiliated by this process and let down
by the MoD, and he recognised that his actions in
speaking to journalists would bring his career to an
effective end. They would certainly prevent him from
returning to Iraq to do what he did best and enjoyed most
uncovering hidden weapons and weapons programmes, so
making the world a safer place. And so, according to this
view, he left his cottage in Southmoor, walked into the
woods and took his own life through a combination of
wrist injuries and an overdose of the painkiller
co-proxamol. A personal tragedy but nothing more. Case
closed.
Except I never subscribed to this conclusion. There were
too many unanswered questions, none of which was resolved
by the Hutton Inquiry As time has gone by, those
questions have gnawed away at me. And I am not alone. In
January 2004, three doctors - David Halpin, a specialist
in trauma and orthopaedic surgery, Stephen Frost, a
specialist in diagnostic radiology, and Searle Sennett, a
specialist in anaesthesiology - voiced their doubts about
the suicide verdict in a letter to The Guardian. They
said Dr Kelly could not have killed himself in the way
described to the Hutton Inquiry. Now, having resigned my
frontbench role for the Lib Dems earlier this year, I
have found the time to conduct my own investigation.
The first problematic area concerns the severed artery in
Dr Kelly's wrist. Those who are familiar with the human
body will, if they choose to die this way, make an
incision the length of the inside forearm because this
leads to a very large loss of blood. Those unfamiliar
with the body may cut across the wrist, thereby severing
the radial artery. Instead, we are asked to believe that
Dr Kelly managed to completely sever the ulnar artery, a
minor artery of matchstick thickness to be found deep in
the wrist on the little finger side of the hand, and
protected by nerves and tendons.
It is difficult to believe Dr Kelly would have made this
cut. It would have requlred unusual force to cut through
the nerves and tendons, particularly with the gardening
knife he had, and the process would have been painlul.
Even if he did somehow cut this artery himself; it is
quite clear that this would not have killed him. I spoke
to David Halpin, the former senior orthopaedic and trauma
surgeon at Torbay Hospital and The Princess Elizabeth,
Exeter. He told me that even the deepest cut here would
not have caused death. He also told me that 'a completely
transected [severed] artery retracts immediately I and
thus stops bleeding, even at a relatively high blood
pressure'.
Then there is the evidence of the ambulance team who
attended the scene where Dr Kelly was found. They told
the Hutton Inquiry that the amount of blood found at the
site and on Dr Kelly's clothing was minimal and
surprisingly small.
I contacted Dave Bartlett, the ambulance technician who,
with paramedic Vanessa Hunt, formed the team that
attended the scene. He told me last month that the two of
them 'stand by what we have already said 100 per cent'.
Vanessa Hunt has said that, in her view 'it is incredibly
unlikely that he died from the wrist wound we saw'.
Could Dr Kelly nevertheless have died from the blood he
lost? I tracked down Dr Sennett and his response was
clear:
'For a man the size of Dr Kelly to die from haemorrhage,
he would have to lose at least three litres of blood. I
suggest that it would be impossible to lose a lethal
amount of blood from an ulnar artery which had been cut
in the manner described for Dr Kelly.'
Were these doctors right? I wanted to know how many
people in the UK died in 2003 from injury to the ulnar
artery. I eventually received a formal reply from the
National Statistician, Karen Dunnell. The answer? One.
Presumably Dr Kelly.
There is also the knife allegedly used for the purpose.
This was a blunt gardening knife with a concave blade, a
singularly inappropriate weapon to use. To cut through
nerves and tendons with such a knife must have been
difficult. Dr Kelly, with his scientific background and
knowledge of the human body, could without doubt have
found an easier way to commit suicide had he wished to do
so.
It might be argued that this was a spontaneous suicide
and that all he had with him was this particular knife,
which he often carried. But that is contradicted by the
presence of the coproxamol tablets, which, according to
the official explanation, demonstrate premeditation.
This circle simply cannot be squared.
Evidence presented at the Hutton Inquiry invites us to
conclude that Dr Kelly removed three blister packs of
these tablets, each containing ten tablets, from his
house. The police say that they found 29 out of 30
tablets gone, implying therefore that Dr Kelly had
consumed these.
It strikes me as odd that Dr Kelly should apparently
leave one of the 30 tablets in its place. Surely someone
set on suicide will take the maximum dose avallable, not
leave one? Of course this remaining tablet did present
the police with a rather obvious clue.
Furthermore, Alexander Allan, the forensic toxicologist
at the inquiry, considered that the amount of each drug
component found in the blood was only a third of that
which would normally be considered fatal. All that was
found in Dr Kelly's stomach was the equivalent of the
fifth of one tablet. His stomach was virtually empty,
which suggests that even if he did swallow 29 tablets,
much would have been regurgitated, making it even less
likely that these contributed in any significant way to
his death.
Interestingly, those who knew Dr Kelly well maintain that
he had an aversion to swallowing tablets.
What about the motive? Wasn't Dr Kelly terribly
depressed, potentially even suicidal? Those who knew him
find that very difficult to accept.
Sarah Pape, his sister, is a consultant plastic surgeon.
Referring to conversations with her brother before his
death, she told the Hutton Inquiry:
'In my line of work I deal with people who may have
suicidal thoughts, and ought to be able to spot those,
even in a telephone conversation. But I have gone over
and over in my mind the two conversations we had and he
certainly did not betray to me any impression that he was
anything other than tired. He certainly did not convey to
me that he was feeling depressed, and absolutely nothing
that would have alerted me to the fact he might have been
considering suicide.'
Of course, these were difficult times for Dr Kelly. He
was under enormous pressure, had been thrust into the
glare of the public spotlight, and had had a torrid time
in front of the Foreign Affairs Committee on July 15,
just two days before he went for his last walk. That much
is known. Less well known is that his good humour and
confidence had at least partly returned on July 16, when
he gave evidence in private to the Intelligence and
Security Committee. I have read the transcript of that
meeting and it shows Dr Kelly laughing and even making
jokes.
Then there are the e-malls he sent on the morning of July
17, the day' of his disappearance. These were generally
upbeat and talked enthusiastically about returning to
Iraq.
So apparently were his phone calls, for after one to the
Ministry of Defence, a flight to lraq was booked for him
for the following week. One e-mail, however, did refer to
'dark actors playing games'. Who they were, and what
games they were playing, has yet to be established.
Another factor that mitigates against the suicide theory
is that one of Dr Kelly's daughters was due to be married
shortly and he was obviously looking forward to that.
Lastly, it should not be forgotten that Dr Kelly was a
practicing member of the Baha'i faith, which strongly
condemns the act of suicide.
Yet within 24 hours of the e-mails being sent, David
Kelly was dead. We had lost the man who had probably done
more than anyone else to reduce the threat to the world
from biological and chemical weapons.
But with a cruel asymmetry; while Dr Kelly lay dead under
a tree, Tony Blair, the mouthpiece of the now discredited
45-minute claim, was being feted by President Bush and
being offered the rare honour of a Congressional Medal.
The Prime Minister was on a plane from Washington to
Tokyo when he was told of Dr Kelly's death. His response
was immediate. Before the journey was over, Lord Brian
Hutton had been appointed to head an inquiry into the
circumstances surrounding the death of Dr David Kelly'.
How was this breakneck-speed appointment made? Parliament
had no say in this. With perfect political timing for the
Prime Minister, the Commons had adjourned for its long
summer recess at 4.55pm on July 17, just hours before Dr
Kelly's body was found. The decision to hold an inquiry;
the remit given to it and the choice of the judge to
chair it were all decisions for the Government. I have
now had it officially confirmed that it was Blair's old
friend Charlie Falconer, the Lord Chancellor, who
handpicked Lord Hutton, having discussed the matter first
with the Prime Minister and formally consulted the Senior
Law Lord.
Why choose Lord Hutton? In a parliamentary answer to me,
Harriet Harman, the Minister at the Department for
Constitutional Affairs, confirmed that he had not chaired
any public inquiry before he was asked to undertake this
most sensitive of tasks.
There is no suggestion that Lord Hutton is anything other
than an independent person of integrity; but his record
may have suggested to those choosing him that he would be
likely to produce the right result.
In Northern Ireland, where he sat as a judge, he
sentenced ten men to a total of 1,001 years' imprisonment
in 1984 on the word of a paid informer who was granted
immunity from prosecution. As a senior barrister, he had
also defended the Government of the day against
allegations that internees in Northern Ireland had been
tortured. More recently, he led the campaign against the
extradition of General Pinochet back to Chile on the
grounds that one of the five Law Lords involved in the
case had links with the human-rights group Amnesty
International.
As Sir Humphrey observed in an episode of [the BBC's]
'Yes, Minister', you don't choose a judge who can be
leaned on. You choose one who doesn't have to be.
Whatever the reason, it is clear that what should have
been a rigorous investigation into the death of Dr Kelly
turned out to be nothing of the sort.
First, the Lord Chancellor decided the inquiry should
not, as expected, be held under the rules established by
the Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Act 1921. The
significance of this is that witnesses could not be
subpoenaed. Nor did they have to give evidence under
oath. The inquiry was therefore less rigorous and formal
than a standard coroner's inquest.
Then there are the actions of the Oxfordshire coroner
himself, Nicholas Gardiner. His inquest was adjourned on
the instruction of Lord Falconer. But I have unearthed
the fact that a full death certificate was issued by the
local registrar (following the instructions of the
coroner) on August 18 - a week after the Hutton Inquiry
started hearing evidence - giving explicit reasons for
death.
I have a copy of that certificate. It cites haemorrhage
and incised wounds to the left wrist, conclusions that
are far from certain for the reasons given above.
When I asked Harriet Harman how it was that the coroner
was able to establish cause of death when the Hutton
Inquiry had barely started, she replied that he 'was able
to ascertain reasons for ... death from the post-mortem
report from the Home Office pathologist, Dr Hunt, and the
toxicology report from Dr Allen[sicl'. The death
certificate, we now learn, was issued as a result of a
meeting on August 14 between Dr Hunt, Dr Allan (or their
representatives) and the coroner. A parliamentary
question I asked has now revealed that this meeting
followed an unusual, even irregular, meeting between Home
Office officials and the coroner on August 11. Doubtless
the officials were able to help guide the coroner on the
way forward.
So what was the point of setting up an inquiry to look
into the circumstances of Dr Kelly's death when the facts
had, it appears, already been decided? And where did that
leave the normal inquest procedure, as even that wasn't
followed?
More pertinently still, the Coroners Rules required that
'where an inquest has been adjourned for any reason', an
interim certificate of death shall be issued if needed.
In effect, this is a certificate only to confirm death
and allow the body to be buried. Clearly, the rule was
not followed in this case.
I discussed the matter with Michael Powers QC, a leading
expert on coroners' law, who professed himself astonished
that a full death certificate could have been issued in
this way. So with the Hutton Inquiry barely started, the
Oxfordshire coroner determines the cause of death without
the normal inquest procedure, bases this on the severing
of the ulnar artery, the only such cause of death in the
whole of2003, and relies exclusively, it seems, on Dr
Allan, who later would tell the inquiry that the level of
coproxamol present was insufficient to cause death, and
on the findings of pathologist Nicholas Hunt.
What of Dr Hunt? Who selected him for this task? The
Oxfordshire coroner, it turns out. He chose him from a
list of pathologists approved from the Home Office as
being suitably qualified to be competent to investigate
suspicious or violent deaths. I have secured a list of
those so approved in 2003. It contains the names of 43
such pathologists, many with great experience, having
been added to the list as far back as 1978. Dr Hunt was
added to the list only in 2001. Just seven ofthe43
pathologists were added after him.
Now it may be that Dr Hunt has much to recommend him, but
in a case as sensitive as this, wouldn't it have been
more normal to have selected someone with more
experience, or indeed, as Michael Powers suggested to me,
to have chosen two pathologists to work together?
The police operation was also a rather curious one. The
files are all off-limits, locked up at Thames Valley
Police headquarters, but an interesting nugget is to be
found deep in the inquiry website. 'Operation Mason', as
it was termed, was begun at 2.30pm on July 17, around
nine hours before David Kelly was reported missing, and
at least half an hour before he left his home to go on
that last walk. No satisfactory explanation has ever been
given for this astonishing foresight on the part of
police.
Then there is the response after the call to the police
was made. First there was the erection of a 45ft antenna
in Dr Kelly's garden. I have spoken to one of the most
senior police officers in the UK who could offer no
possible explanation for a structure this size and
doubted if many police forces actually had such a piece
of equipment.
He was also at a loss to explain why Dr Kelly's wife
Janice was turfed out of her house in the middle of the
night to stand on the lawn for an extended period while a
dog was put through the house. He called it 'bizarre'.
At the Hutton Inquiry itself, conflicting evidence was
piled on top of conflicting evidence with seemingly no
attempt to get to the truth. Crucially, the position of
the body seems in doubt, with those who found it -
search-party volunteers Louise Holmes and Paul Chapman
- insisting the body was sitting up or slumped against a
tree, while DC Graham Coe later states it was flat on its
back away from the tree.
Moreover, three items the volunteers swear were not
present - the blunt knife, a watch and an opened bottle
of Evian water - had mysteriously appeared by the body by
the time DC Coe left the scene.
Then there are the basic questions that would occur to
even a rookie police officer but which here went unasked,
or at least unanswered.
Whose fingerprints were on the knife? Was there any DNA
other than Dr Kelly's to be found in the blood samples
taken? Was Dr Kelly's watch, which lay beside him, broken
or intact? What time did it show? What were the last
calls made to the mobile phone he had on him? We do not
know and Lord Hutton does not ask.
But then Lord Hutton, tasked to examine the circumstances
surrounding Dr Kelly's death, seemed peculiarly
uninterested in these, giving every appearance of simply
going through the motions. In this he was not alone. For
the media too, the focus was firmly on the battle between
the BBC and the Government. That focus may have taken the
light off a much more important story.
After Hutton formally reported, the coroner would have
been within his rights to reopen the inquest, but he
chose not to do so, despite being made aware of the
considerable doubts about the medical evidence. Many
people find it hard to accept that Dr Kelly's death was
suicide, and the passage of time has only firmed up that
doubt. lam conscious that some, particularly those who
were close to him, will want to put all this behind them,
to move on.
The reality, however, is that this episode is not going
to go away. Perhaps Dr Kelly, renowned for his
persistence, dedication and aptitude for systematic and
logical questioning, would have understood that some of
us cannot rest until the many important unanswered
questions have finally been resolved. www.thetruthseeker.co.uk
Note:
Dr David Kelly
In 2003 Dr David Kelly was found
dead in the woods. Caught up in a political vortex, Dr
Kelly had been forced to appear before a televised
government committee investigating whether or not he had
accused Blair's aide Alistair Campbell of planting in a
dossier the questionable claim that WMDs could be
unleashed from Iraq in 45 minutes. The Hutton Inquiry
concluded that Dr Kelly, in anguish over his treatment,
took his own life. But did he? The Kelly Investigation
Group takes a closer look....
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