THE HANDSTAND

august2005

 
ZNet Commentary:
Murdering Haiti July 18, 2005
By Yves Engler
Today's commentary:
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-07/17engler.cfm
While the media was focusing on the dead in London, United Nation?s soldiers and Haitian police were murdering the poor in Port au Prince.

On Friday a Haitian National Police (HNP) operation in the slum of Bel Air left ten dead, according to Agence Haitien Presse.

On Wednesday, UN forces killed as many as eighty people in Cite Soleil, the largest and poorest slum in Haiti. A labour/human rights delegation sponsored by the San Francisco Labour Council reported that residents claimed to have seen 23 bodies after a UN forces raid to kill ?gang leader? Dread Wilme in the early morning. Residents of Cite Soleil said UN forces shot out electric transformers in their neighborhood. People were killed in their homes and also just outside of their homes, on the way to work.

According to journalists and eyewitnesses, one man named Leon Cherry, age 46, was shot and killed on his way to work for a flower company. Another man, Mones Belizaire, was shot as he readied for work in a local sweatshop and died later from an infection. A woman who was a street vendor was shot in the head and killed instantly. One man was shot in his ribs while brushing his teeth.

Another was shot in the jaw as he left his house to make some money to pay his wife?s medical costs and endured a slow death. Yet another man named Mira was shot and killed while urinating in his home. A mother, Sena Romelus, and her two young children were killed in their home, either by bullets or by a 83-CC grenade UN forces threw. Film footage of many of these deaths was shared with the US human rights delegation.

Eyewitnesses claimed that the offensive overwhelmed the community and that there was not a "firefight", but rather a slaughter. Primarily UN forces conducted the operation, with the HNP taking a back seat, according to witnesses.

Earlier in the week, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said that since opening a trauma center in Port au Prince seven months ago, they have treated more than 1112 people for violence-related injuries, including; 861 gunshot victims; 126 for machete or knife wounds; 67 for beatings; and 40 for rape. Half of those treated for such injuries are women, children, or elderly.

MSF explains : Some [victims of violence] have said they were wounded during operations conducted by the Haitian National Police (HNP) and the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). MSF also called on all armed groups in the city [Port au Prince] to respect the safety of civilians and allow those wounded during clashes immediate access to emergency medical care. The HNP is known for picking up those hospitalized with bullet wounds, only for the patients never to be heard from.

Recent killings are the continuation of seventeen months of horror for Haiti?s poor. The U.S. National Lawyers Guild delegation visiting Haiti shortly after the February 29th coup reported that on March 7, 2004, morgue officials dumped 800 bodies and another 200 three weeks later. This is an extraordinary number in light of the morgue worker's report that the average is under 100 bodies per month. On October 15, 2004, US journalist, Kevin Pina reported that, the General Hospital had to call the Ministry of Health today in order to demand emergency vehicles to remove the more than 600 corpses that have been stockpiled there.

Structural violence is also greater than before the coup. Unemployment has increased. A recent article in Alterpresse documented a huge rise in the cost of a dozen food staples, many of which have tripled in price ? further impoverishing the poor.

The human rights situation is so bad that the head of UN peacekeeping operations says conditions in parts of Haiti are 'worse than in Sudan's devastated Darfur region' according to a June 28, 2005, Voice of America report.

A month ago I was in Darfur, and God knows the situation of the IDPs [internally displace persons] there is tragic, but at least, thanks to the mobilization of the international community, you see IDPs in camps in al Fasher or cities in Darfur, they have medical facilities, there is drinking water, there are latrines. It's a terrible situation, but some of the basics are being provided by the international community.

The Haitians in Cap Haitien, this is a quiet place, they have no drinking water, no latrines, garbage not collected, situation is squalor, its terrible. They are in [a] worse situation than some of the IDPs I saw in Darfur,? said Undersecretary-General for Peacekeeping Jean-Marie Guehenno

Guehenno may even have correctly diagnosed the source of the problem - an illegitimate government - saying : so long as you don't have an effective law and order structure that is trusted by people, seen as fair, impartial, has basic means to deliver law and order, you need an international presence there. In other words, when armed thugs (foreign or domestic) overthrow a popularly elected government human rights abuses are an inevitable result.

Yves Engler is author (with Anthony Fenton) of a forthcoming (September) book, Canada in Haiti: Waging war on the poor majority published by RED/Fernwood. For those interested in organizing a book tour/Haiti solidarity caravan stop in your community beginning in Ontario in early September, please contact yves: at (514) 807 9037 or yvesengler@hotmail.com

For those interested in joining the Canada Haiti Action Network listserve, please contact Kevin kskerrett@cupe.ca

Today's commentary:
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2005-07/17engler.cfm

Haiti's "Ambassador" to Canada
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=55&ItemID=8265
by Jean St.Vil
July 09, 2005
 

It happened quick and in the very heart of Canada's capital. Early  this morning of June 29, 2005 when colleague Kevin Skerrett and I  arrived to cover the story, for a brief moment, we worried that other  news media had somehow scooped our insider's information. Cameras and  various recording materials left little standing room for the many  journalists crowded in the waiting room at Rideau Hall.

Adding panache to the situation, a dedicated staffer quietly enters the waiting room and hushes that Governor General Adrienne Clarkson and the first of two distinguished guests are about to meet.  They will allow us to record the brief encounter but no questions are allowed. So, we complied.

Within a matter of minutes, Robert Hans Tippenhauer enters the room and hands over the envelope to Mrs. Clarkson. Those in attendance barely noticed when, a visibly nervous  Tippenhauer drying his hands on his suit, referred to  "celui qui me pré-décédait" (the one who has "pre-deceased" me!). "Uh ! Mon prédécesseur!"(the one  who preceded me), he quickly corrected, before proceeding to tell the Governor General about his high school days spent in the province of Québec. Aside from this suggestive Freudian slip, Tippenhauer did relatively well. He and Mrs. Clakrson exchanged a few words, smiled  and posed happily for the cameras and - the deed was done. Officially, the Dominion of Canada and its Queen  had accepted the credentials of the new "Ambassador" of Haiti to Canada.

Knowing that there were skeletons in Tippenhauer's closet,  I reiterated to the friendly Rideau Hall staffer the official request to interview the new "Ambassador". This shouldn't be difficult to obtain considering, as we had by then realised, all the other media present came to cover the new U.S. Ambassador who was next to present his  credentials to Mrs. Clarkson. After an hour's wait, Kevin and I were  told that Mr. Tippenhauer declined our request.  Reason? - too busy - no can do, no time!  So, we decided to take our time and patiently waited by the entry  along with the other reporters. Contrary to schedule, Wilkins, the new U.S. Ambassador, was the first to come out. He  took all sorts of questions, including one which he dodged about his impression on  Canada's performance in Haiti.  Then, came « Ambassador »  Tippenhauer, the former Chair of the Canadian-Haitian Chamber of  Commerce, of whom Vancouver-based journalist Anthony Fenton wrote: "Should the Canadian government accept Tippenhauer's credentials, it will mark Canada's clearest official alignment with Haiti's right-wing elites". With his May 16, 2005 ZNET article titled "The Canadian Corporate/State Nexus In Haiti", Fenton was the first journalist to break news of Tippenhauer's nomination. A revelation that shocked many, especially members of Canada's Haitian community, who had fresh in mind how, following the Feb. 29, 2004 coup that toppled the democratically elected President of Haiti, Tippenhauer played a key part in a series of diplomatic blunders that led to Haiti's post-coup regime's total ostracism by its Caribbean neighbours. Tippenhauer, a Port-au-Prince based businessman of German extraction who was also playing the role of Jamaica's honorary consul in Haiti at the time, had decided on Mar. 15, 2004 to raucously announce his resignation from that honorary position. This, in protest to the decision by the Jamaican
government to temporarily host exiled former President Jean Bertrand Aristide. Haitians have not forgotten this  recent episode where it effectively took a brazen rescue mission lead by Jamaica's Prime Minister Percival Patterson and Black American author and human rights activist Randall Robinson to  facilitate Aristide's return to this hemisphere and reunification with his two young daughters.  The children were not in Haiti the night of the coup, when U.S. Marines surrounded the president's residence and took him and his wife in an unmarked white plane to the Central African Republic where they knew no one.

So, as Robert Hans Tippenhauer made his way to the exit, I scrambled to decide what to ask him first. Should I ask him why activists in Montreal keep  accusing Canada's Foreign Minister, Pierre Pettigrew, of aiding criminals in Haiti? Should I ask him why the non-elected government  that he represents is often characterized by Haitians everywhere as being an illegal, brutal puppet regime, imposed on them by the U.S., France and Canada? Should I ask him why the Caribbean Community, Venezuela, the  53 nations of the African Union, Nelson Mandela's African National  Congress, prominent Congressmen and Congresswomen from the U.S. Congressional Black Caucus... all refuse to recognize his regime in  Haiti? Should I ask him to comment on the fact that countless activists from PEI to Victoria, B.C. have accused Canada of participating in a racist  coup that brought to power through violent means a group of Haitians  who happen to be, like him, of European origin?

So, I began:

Q: Your nomination was not ratified by the Haitian Senate. Some contend  it is illegal.?

Tippenhauer: Well, everyone is entitled to his own opinion which I do respect. However, there has been an accommodation with the «  international community » to provide our country with an interim  government that will, indeed, permit us to achieve credible and honest  elections and make it
possible to hand power on February 7th to a President who would have been elected by the Haitian People.

Q: Therefore, in the interim, during the transitional period, the  Haitian constitution is not being followed because it stipulates, for instance, that « the President of the Republic, following approval by  the Senate, names ambassadors»?

Tippenhauer:  But, this is an exceptional case because, we do not have  a government - at that time. We did not have an elected government.  It's only now, you know that and we are doing all that is possible for  us to do in order to have a government and precisely where the president will swear in on February 7, 2006. And, we are  working towards that.

I was not sure whether the "Ambassador" had just acknowledged representing a non-existent government. But, knowing that even in Washington, D.C., the regime's representative, Mr. Raymond Joseph, bears the title of Chargé d'Affaires, I pursued...

Q:  But, the normal procedure would have been to name a « Chargé d'Affaires » since you are not constitutional...?

Tippenhauer: No! You are the one who says that I am not constitutional.

Q:  But, it's the Constitution that.? (showing him a copy with the relevant section highlighted in yellow)

Tippenhauer: As it now stands, the Constitution is somewhat...uh! An exception was made because, as I have told you and am repeating  it, there has been an international consensus, you know, to go over  this difficult and fragile transition that we are currently subject to - that the country
is subjected to. And, precisely, to allow the  country to have a president who is elected and who will be elected - an  elected government...

"A legitimate one !", I tried to interject.

Tippenhauer:... coming from elections, you know that will take place.uh! at the end of this year.

Thus, Robert Hans Tippenhauer, who was fraudulently named Ambassadeur Plenipotentiaire de la République d'Haiti on June 29, 2005, confirmed that the Constitution of the Republic he represents has effectively been put on hold. He came close to saying it in so many words. But, even more important than his statements, it is Tippenhauer's actions that have the most dire consequences for millions of people.

My colleague Kevin Skerrett probing Tippenhauer's views on the well-documented dreadful  Human Rights situation in post-coup Haiti, asked him about the country's most recognizable of over 1000 political prisoners:

Q: Mr. Tippenhauer, former Haitian Prime Minister Yvon Neptune is still in jail and his health situation is quite serious and we hear  that no evidence has been presented against him. What can you tell  us  about his situation?

Tippenhauer: Well, uh! As far as his situation, he is at the disposition of Haitian justice which, precisely, by the separation of the justice from the legislative and . the executive, Haitian justice is independent. And, he is in the hands of Haitian justice.

Q : But, what is your reaction to the condemnation by Amnesty  International and by Juan Gabriel Valdes, chief of MINUSTAH (U.N.  Mission in Haiti), on Mr. Neptune's situation? Your reaction?

Tippenhauer: And, what is that reaction?

Q : Mr. Valdes recently declared that Mr. Neptune's situation is a violation of his rights. And, this is consistent with comments made  by Mr. Fagart as well as several others.

Tippenhauer: I am totally ignorant of this declaration. Therefore, I  cannot comment on it.

Such were the reflections of the man officially confirmed this June 29, 2004, "Ambassador of the Republic of Haiti" by Her Majesty the Queen of Canada.

Along  with all the other unlawfully appointed leaders of Haiti, Tippenhauer is now fully habilitated to take state-binding decisions, including  signing multi million contracts, on behalf of an impoverished people that never had chosen him to be their representative. Not surprisingly, among the beneficiaries of lucrative contracts with Haiti's illegal regime are Canadian companies: SNC-Lavalin and Gildan Active Wear.

If the corporate incentives to lend a blind eye to the illegal nature of this regime are plain enough, what might be the mid-to-long term impact of Prime Minister Martin's pro-coup Haiti policy on Canada's image in the Caribbean? Can our Department of Foreign Affairs truly pretend not to have
realized the evident flaws in the "credentials" presented by Mr. Tippenhauer?

In a sensitive area like foreign affairs is it not important to be mindful of perceptions? If Haitian-Canadians taking part in recent Ottawa call-in shows are any indication, the response of the Haitian community to the nomination of Tippenhauer is unequivocal: "He does not represent us", "He is no ambassador", "His nomination is illegal".  Such reactions were rather predictable since it is no secret that the Tippenhauer family counts some of the most prominent supporters of the coup that toppled Haiti's constitutional government in 2004. In addition to Robert Hans Tippenhauer's own reactionary credentials, his nephew, also named Hans Tippenhauer, a former member of the Washington establishment's Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and a sweat-shop magnate is a key member of the E.U. and USAID- funded Group of 184 opposition front. He is credited to be the first to have assigned the term "freedom fighters" to the murderous paramilitaries, some of whom are convicted criminals, who paved the way to the coup. Tippenhauer's Group 184 is prominently led by two other white businessmen operating sweatshops in Haiti, Charles Henri Baker and the American Andre Apaid.

Considering all these facts,  accepting Tippenhauer's credentials, not only mark Canada's official alignment with Haiti's right-wing elites, it also gives credence to the disturbing allegations of an insidiously racist dimension to the 2004 overthrow of Haiti's elected government.

From The Council of Hemispheric Affairs

Monday, 6 June 2005

Fort Lauderdale:
An Opportunity for the OAS to Break with Washington
while Pursuing Authentic Autonomy for the Entire Region
and Insisting on a Progressive Haiti Policy

  • French diplomat Paul-Henri Mourral is shot dead in Haiti.

  • The UN peacekeeping mission to Haiti (MINUSTAH) has been alarmingly unsuccessful in arresting Haiti’s rising death toll, making free and fair elections an even more distant reality.

  • The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has made valiant efforts toward seeking progress in resolving Haiti's malaise, but its efforts have not proven sufficient to balance Washington’s offhanded policy of benign neglect toward the island.

  • The June 5-7 OAS General Assembly in Fort Lauderdale will make or break the organization’s alleged commitment to achieve positive change in Haiti.


Since President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s February 2004 ouster, Haitian police and the 7,400-member UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH) have been struggling to find peace on the island, let alone maintain it. The latest victim of the daily violence and murder taking place in Haiti, French diplomat Paul-Henri Mourral, was killed while driving in Port-au-Prince on Wednesday, when a group of men opened fire on his vehicle. Earlier in the week, armed men shot up Port-au-Prince’s Tete Boeuf market, starting a fire that spread throughout the marketplace and killed at least seven people.

Tragically, this week’s events are nothing out of the ordinary as Haiti’s death toll grows daily. Human rights groups estimate that 700 people, including 40 police and seven peacekeepers, have been killed in Haiti since June 2004. Elections are scheduled for October and November, but Aristide’s Lavalas Party has insisted that it will not participate unless Prime Minister Gerard Latortue’s appallingly inept interim government releases hundreds of Aristide supporters and officials who are being held without charge, after being jailed by the island’s, if not diabolic, certainly deeply flawed Justice Minister, Bernard Gousse. With the island’s continued climate of instability and insecurity, free and fair elections hardy seem an achievable reality in Haiti’s near future.

Washington’s Ethical Inconsistencies
The truth about Aristide’s departure is murky at best, but the former Haitian president has accused both the U.S. and France of being involved in a comprehensive plot to achieve his removal. What we do know is that as anti-Aristide rebel forces were approaching Port-au-Prince, Washington instructed then-UN ambassador John Negroponte to block any move to send an international force to protect the democratically-elected Haitian president. On February 29, Marines escorted Aristide from the U.S. embassy to a Washington-supplied aircraft which carried him to exile in South Africa, after insisting that he sign a virtually extorted letter of resignation. Despite the Bush administration’s undeniable role in orchestrating Aristide’s ouster, since then it has done embarrassingly little to help the island - except having the State Department's Roger Noriega warning CARICOM countries that if they don't comply with Bush administration policy on Haiti, certain perks would dry up. Washington chose not to send American troops to participate in MINUSTAH, and instead convinced one of its few Latin American allies, Brazil, to lead the UN mission.

In a further demonstration of an inconsistent policy, the Bush administration welcomes so-called Cuban political refugees with open arms, but systematically denies entry to Haitians arriving on the shores of southern Florida in hopes of escaping the violence and murder ravaging their country. For an administration that hails itself as the world’s most committed defender of democracy, the White House’s Haiti policy has been anything but.

CARICOM Steps Up and Shapes Up
The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has emerged as Haiti’s main champion in the hemisphere and was one of the relatively few international entities to petition the UN Security Council to deploy a multinational force to help bring stability to the island by establishing a transitional government and an independent and non-partisan commission. CARICOM has refused to recognize Latortue’s U.S.-imposed regime as a legitimate, constitutional interim government and has attempted to initiate an international probe into the circumstances of Aristide’s abrupt departure. However, the international community has been widely unresponsive to CARICOM’s efforts, most notably the UN which, under Washington’s dominating influence has remained deaf to CARICOM’s request for such an inquiry. With UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s cave-in, he harmonized UN policy regarding Haiti being a "failed state" with that of Washington.

By last summer, it appeared that the Organization of American States (OAS) was finally preparing to take a more responsible position on the breakdown of democracy in Haiti. At its June 2004 General Assembly in Quito, the OAS approved a CARICOM-driven resolution to undertake a “collective assessment” of the situation in Haiti, despite objections from Washington and Latortue. Under Article 20 of the organization’s charter, the OAS can call for an investigation “in the event of unconstitutional alterations of the constitutional regime that seriously impairs the democratic order.” The OAS also issued statements urging Haiti’s interim government to promote stability so that free, fair and democratic elections could be held as soon as possible. In a November 2004 “Memorandum of Understanding” between the OAS and the UN, the OAS General Secretariat accepted responsibility for conducting voter registration and helping to establish the Electoral Cooperative Committee (ECC).

OAS Follows Suit with Washington and the UN
But now it seems that the OAS decrees were nothing more than pandering by coming up with a hurried compromise to appease CARICOM, and that no one actually expected the organization to honor its pledges—simply one more pseudo event at the hands of the then outgoing Secretary-General, Caesar Gaviria. Nearly one year after the OAS’ initial promise was made, fewer than 60,000 Haitians have been registered to vote (out of the island’s population of 4.5 million), and an official investigation into Aristide’s ouster has yet to yield any hard findings. Despite issuing volumes of lofty rhetoric promising a brighter future for Haiti, the OAS has failed to adequately address the turmoil on the island. Luigi Einaudi, acting secretary-general of the OAS, issued a May 6 statement expressing concern for former Haitian Prime Minister Yvon Neptune’s rapidly declining health. This was an admirable step for Einaudi to take, and should be considered to be a partial exculpation for his role which eventually ended up with his protégé, Roger Noriega, becoming Assistant-Secretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs, and the catastrophic impact on U.S.-Latin America relations which resulted from the appointment of that arch ideologue to his present office.

Neptune began a hunger strike in March to protest his being imprisoned without charge and inhumane living conditions for prisoners. Many of these prisoners were detained upon the order of Latortue’s antipathetic Justice Minister, Bernard Gousse. Einaudi warned Latortue that “If Mr. Neptune’s health deteriorates to the point of no return, the Government will be held accountable for its inability to prosecute him and failure or refusal to release him.” But Einaudi also admitted that the OAS did not act upon a request made by Haiti’s Minister of Justice to provide a forensic anthropologist to help gather evidence in the Neptune case. Such a professional initiative on Gousse’s part has to have some murky reference, given the offensive nature of the man. The OAS General Assembly, to be held this weekend in Fort Lauderdale, will provide a crucial opportunity for the organization to leave behind its irresponsible recent history and prove that it is serious about helping Haiti and about itself.

Unfortunately, CARICOM nations will face an uphill battle in making Haiti the center of debate in Florida. The meeting’s agenda, which to a large extent has been determined by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, instead is certain to focus on reevaluating the organization’s Democratic Charter with specific references to Washington’s nemesis, Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez. Ultimately, the remaining 33 OAS member nations will be forced to decide if they will allow Washington’s sometimes inconsistent and always irresponsible policies of diplomatic shock and awe to continue to dominate the hemisphere, or if the OAS will make an authentic and sincere effort to bring long-overdue stability and serve the momentum of the movement for autonomy that is now sweeping across much of Latin America.

This analysis was prepared by Research Fellow Sarah E. Schaffer.


June 5, 2005


The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, founded in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, tax-exempt research and information organization. It has been described on the Senate floor as being “one of the nation’s most respected bodies of scholars and policy makers.” For more information, please see our web page at www.coha.org;